Full opinion text
BRITT, Senior District Judge. In July 2006, Congress enacted the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act of 2006 (the Walsh Act), Pub.L. No. 109-248, 120 Stat. 587 (2006), to combat sexual violence and the exploitation, molestation, and abuse of children in this country. Described by Senator Orrin Hatch as the “most comprehensive child crimes and protection bill in our Nation’s history,” 152 Cong. Rec. S 8012 (2006), the Act creates a National Sex Offender Registry with uniform registration standards, creates criminal penalties for individuals who fail to comply with the Act’s registration requirements, increases federal criminal penalties for violent and sexually violent crimes against children, provides grants to states to help states institutionalize sex offenders who have shown they are unable to control their behavior, creates a task force that will take action to make it more difficult for sexual predators to reach children on the Internet, and establishes a National Child Abuse registry. Much of the legislation is designed to close the gap between federal and state efforts to identify, track, and confine sexual predators. Respondents’ motions to dismiss in these cases present the court with questions of constitutional authority and substantive due process, among others, with respect to only one provision of the Walsh Act, that which permits the civil commitment of sexually dangerous persons. Those questions are: whether the federal government has the constitutional authority to seek the indefinite commitment of a person to prevent criminal conduct that is almost exclusively proscribed by the States, without requiring a nexus between the commitment and an identifiable federal interest; and whether a statute requiring a factual finding of criminal conduct as a prerequisite to indefinite commitment may permit such commitment where that conduct is not proven beyond a reasonable doubt. Having carefully considered the arguments by all parties, the court concludes, for the reasons that follow, that the civil commitment provision of the Walsh Act is not a necessary and proper exercise of Congressional authority and that the use of a clear and convincing burden of proof violates the substantive due process rights of those subject to commitment under the statute. Procedural History Regarding the first filed of these cases, Graydon Comstock pled guilty on 4 October 2000 to one count of “Receipt [by computer] of materials depicting a minor engaging in sexually explicit conduct” in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 2252(a)(2), and to one count of forfeiture. He was sentenced to a 37-month prison term to be followed by a three-year period of supervised release. His term of imprisonment expired on 8 November 2006. Comstock is being held in prison, however, pursuant to the government’s certification of Comstock as a “sexually dangerous person” on 2 November 2006, under the civil commitment provision of the Walsh Act, 18 U.S.C. § 4248. Comstock’s release has been stayed pursuant to § 4248 for the duration of these proceedings, and he remains confined at FCI-Butner. In each of these cases, the Federal Public Defender on behalf of the respondents has filed motions to dismiss the petitions for hearings. Respondents filed a motion to dismiss the petition pertaining to Com-stock on 15 February 2007 and a second motion to dismiss on 20 March 2007. The government filed a consolidated response to these motions on 5 April 2007, and respondents filed a reply on 13 April 2007. This court heard oral argument on .7 May 2007. 18 U.S.C. § 4248 Section 4248, entitled “Civil Commitment of Sexually Dangerous Persons,” allows the federal government to initiate commitment proceedings with respect to federal prisoners whose sentences are about to expire, persons committed to the custody of the Attorney General under § 4241(d) based on incompetence to stand trial, and persons against whom all criminal charges have been dismissed solely for reasons relating to their mental condition, and, pursuant to court order, to commit indefinitely those prisoners found to be “sexually dangerous persons.” To initiate civil commitment proceedings under § 4248(a), the Bureau of Prisons (BoP) may certify any of the foregoing individuals as a “sexually dangerous person” and effectively stay the release of that individual for the duration of the § 4248 proceedings. A certified individual is entitled to a hearing, and if the court finds- “by clear and convincing evidence that the person is a sexually dangerous person,” the court must commit the individual to the custody of the Attorney General for care and treatment until a state will assume responsibility or until “the person’s condition is such that he is no longer sexually dangerous to others” or will not be sexually dangerous to others if released under an appropriate regimen of care or treatment. 18 U.S.C. § 4248(d). A committed individual has a right to request a review of his commitment every 180 days. 18 U.S.C. § 4247(h). To civilly commit an individual as a “sexually dangerous person,” the BoP must provide “clear and convincing evidence” that the person “has engaged or attempted to engage in sexually violent conduct or child molestation and ... is sexually dangerous to others” as defined by 18 U.S.C. § 4247(a)(6). 18 U.S.C. § 4247(a)(5) (emphasis added). A person is sexually dangerous to others if the “person suffers from a serious mental illness, abnormality, or disorder as a result of which he would have serious difficulty in refraining from sexually violent conduct or child molestation if released.” 18 U.S.C. § 4247(a)(6). The statute does not define the terms “sexually violent conduct” or “child molestation.” Discussion The Supreme Court has upheld against constitutional challenge at least one sexually violent predator act passed by a state legislature, see Kansas v. Hendricks, 521 U.S. 346, 117 S.Ct. 2072, 138 L.Ed.2d 501 (1997), and Kansas v. Crane, 534 U.S. 407, 122 S.Ct. 867, 151 L.Ed.2d 856 (2002), and numerous states have sexually violent predator acts similar to the one adopted in Kansas. The government argues that § 4248 was carefully drafted with this Supreme Court precedent in mind. (Gov’t Br. at 15.) Respondents argue that the broadly applicable commitment scheme outlined in § 4248 differs substantially from the carefully drawn, narrowly applicable scheme addressed in Hendricks and Crane and that § 4248 is unconstitutional for the following reasons: 1) a commitment under § 4248 is a criminal proceeding and thus violates the double jeopardy clause, the ex post facto clause, the 8th Amendment prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment, and the 6th Amendment right to jury trial; 2) Congress exceeded its power under the Commerce Clause in enacting § 4248; 3) application of the clear and convincing standard of proof in a § 4248 hearing violates due process; and 4) § 4248 violates substantive due process and equal protection under the 5th Amendment. The court notes, as an initial matter, that respondents’ arguments concerning the purported lack of Congressional authority to enact § 4248 and the use of the clear and convincing burden constitute cognizable facial challenges to the constitutionality of § 4248. The government argues that facial challenges are disfavored and inappropriate. (Gov’t Br. at 6.) “A facial challenge to a legislative Act is, of course, the most difficult challenge to mount successfully, since the challenger must establish that no set of circumstances exists under which the Act would be valid.” United States v. Salerno, 481 U.S. 739, 745, 107 S.Ct. 2095, 95 L.Ed.2d 697 (1987). See also Sabri v. United States, 541 U.S. 600, 609, 124 S.Ct. 1941, 158 L.Ed.2d 891 (2004). Section 4248’s commitment scheme applies to at least three categories of individuals: prisoners whose sentences are about to expire at the time of certification, such as Comstock, Matherly, Vigil, and Revland; individuals who were committed to federal custody pursuant to § 4241 based on incompetence to stand trial, such as Catron; and individuals against whom all criminal charges have been dropped as a result of their mental condition. By advancing a facial challenge to the entire commitment scheme of § 4248, the government argues, respondents have violated the traditional rule that “a person to whom a statute may constitutionally be applied may not challenge that statute on the ground that it may conceivably be applied unconstitutionally to others in situations not before the Court.” New York v. Ferber, 458 U.S. 747, 767, 102 S.Ct. 3348, 73 L.Ed.2d 1113 (1982) (citing Broadrick v. Oklahoma, 413 U.S. 601, 610, 93 S.Ct. 2908, 37 L.Ed.2d 830 (1973)). See also Los Angeles Police Dep’t v. United Reporting Publishing Corp., 528 U.S. 32, 38, 120 S.Ct. 483, 145 L.Ed.2d 451(1999). If Congress lacked the authority to enact the civil commitment scheme at issue, however, the commitment scheme could not be constitutionally applied. Even if Congress does theoretically have the authority to provide for the civil commitment of sexually dangerous persons in federal custody, § 4248 could not be constitutionally applied to any person if it is not a “necessary and proper” means of achieving that ostensibly legitimate end. Likewise, because § 4248’s explicitly requires the application of the clear and convincing standard of proof to determine the permissibility of commitment, the statute cannot be applied constitutionally to anyone if the application of that standard violates due process. I. Civil vs. Criminal Nature of Section 4248 Respondents argue that the commitment scheme set up by § 4248 operates as a form of preventive detention and, as such, constitutes a criminal proceeding. (FPD Br. at 23.) Supreme Court precedent pertaining to commitment generally and to commitment of sexually dangerous individuals pursuant to state laws specifically dictates that § 4248 be characterized as a civil scheme. In Kansas v. Hendricks, the Supreme Court reviewed a challenge to the constitutionality of the Kansas Sexually. Violent Predator Act (KSVPA) and held, among other things, that the KSVPA’s commitment scheme did not establish criminal proceedings and that involuntary confinement pursuant to that statute was not punitive. 521 U.S. at 361-68, 117 S.Ct. 2072. In so holding, the Court reviewed: the Kansas legislature’s intent; whether primary purposes of the KSVPA were retribution or deterrence; the restriction of the freedom of mentally ill persons as a legitimate, nonpunitive government objective; the potentially indefinite nature of the confinement permitted by the statute; the state’s use of various procedural safeguards; and the availability of treatment for individuals committed. Id. at 361-69, 117 S.Ct. 2072. Section 4248 is not sufficiently distinguishable from the KSVPA for purposes of the civil/criminal analysis to justify a different result in this case. Congress clearly expressed its intent that § 4248 be a civil commitment proceeding, see 18 U.S.C. § 4248 (“Civil Commitment of a sexually dangerous person”), and the apparent goal of the statute is to protect the community from sexually violent predators. As in Hendricks, 521 U.S. at 363, 117 S.Ct. 2072, the purpose of the Walsh Act’s federal commitment provision would not be considered retributive because it does not affix culpability for prior criminal conduct and no finding of scienter is required for commitment. Because the statute is explicitly aimed at confining people who have been found to have serious difficulty controlling their conduct, it cannot be said that the statute serves a deterrent purpose. As Justice Scalia wrote in his dissent in Crane, 534 U.S. at 420, 122 S.Ct. 867, “[ojrdinary recidivists choose to reof-fend and are therefore amenable to deterrence through the criminal law; those subject to civil commitment under [the KSVPA] because their mental illness is an affliction and not a choice, are unlikely to be deterred.” See also Hendricks, 521 U.S. at 362-63, 117 S.Ct. 2072; Allen v. Illinois, 478 U.S. 364, 373-74, 106 S.Ct. 2988, 92 L.Ed.2d 296 (1986) (commitment proceedings under the Illinois Sexually Dangerous Persons Act, designated civil by the Illinois legislature, were not criminal within the meaning of the self-incrimination clause of the Fifth Amendment); In re Young, 122 Wash.2d 1, 857 P.2d 989, 996-99 (1993) (holding similar Washington statute to be civil) (superseded by statute on other grounds). Several recent decisions addressing constitutional challenges to the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SOR-NA), which is Title I of the Walsh Act, 42 U.S.C. §§ 16901 et seq., have concluded that the SORNA is civil and nonpunitive. See United States v. Mason, No. 6:07-cr-52-Or1-19Jgg, 2007 WL 1521515, 510 F.Supp.2d 923 (M-D.Fla. May 22, 2007); United States v. Hinen, 487 F.Supp.2d 747, 757 (W.D.Va.2007); United States v. Templeton, No. CR-06-291-M, 2007 WL 445481 (W.D.Okla. Feb. 7, 2007); United States v. Madera, 474 F.Supp.2d 1257 (M.D.Fla.2007) (relying on Smith v. Doe, 538 U.S. 84, 96, 123 S.Ct. 1140, 155 L.Ed.2d 164 (2003), and Hendricks for proposition that the Walsh “Act (and SOR-NA within it) is a ‘civil, nonpunitive’ law”). Because analogous case law indicates that § 4248 is properly construed as a civil scheme, respondent’s double jeopardy, ex post facto, cruel and unusual punishment, and jury trial claims, cognizable only in the criminal or punitive context, do not require the dismissal of the government’s petitions for hearing in these cases. II. The Federal Government’s Authority to Civilly Commit Sexually Dangerous Persons: The Necessary and Proper Clause Statutes are presumed constitutional. United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598, 607, 120 S.Ct. 1740, 146 L.Ed.2d 658 (2000). “Due respect for the decisions of a coordinate branch of Government demands that we invalidate a congressional enactment only upon a plain showing that Congress has exceeded its constitutional bounds.” Id. As the Morrison Court explained, “[e]very law enacted by Congress must be based on one or more of its powers enumerated in the Constitution. ‘The powers of the legislature are defined and limited; and that those limits may not be mistaken, or forgotten, the constitution is written.’ Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch 137, 176, 2 L.Ed. 60 (1803).” Morrison, 529 U.S. at 607, 120 S.Ct. 1740. Congress did not explicitly identify the source of federal authority on which it relied in enacting the civil commitment provision of the Walsh Act. Respondents argue that § 4248 exceeds Congressional authority under the Commerce Clause. In its brief, the government does not rely on the Commerce Clause, but rather contends that the court need not reach the Commerce Clause issue to decide the case, arguing that Congress had the authority to enact § 4248 pursuant to the Necessary and Proper Clause, U.S. Const., Art. I, § 8, cl. 18. Specifically, the government argues that Congress’s power to prevent the commission of certain crimes by persons in the custody of the BoP flows from Congress’s power to criminalize that conduct in the first place, to prosecute those crimes, and to regulate the persons who legitimately enter the custody of the BoP as a result of such criminal prosecutions. (Gov’t Br, at 7.) The government argues that civil commitment under § 4248 is thus a permissible expression of its regulatory power to prevent criminal conduct. The parties’ respective arguments regarding the federal government’s authority to civilly commit sexually dangerous individuals in the manner prescribed by § 4248 pose significant questions as to the appropriate interpretation and application of the Necessary and Proper Clause. That clause provides Congress with the power “[t]o make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution [its enumerated] powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.” Accordingly, a Congressional enactment must meet three criteria to be valid under the Necessary and Proper Clause: it must be 1) necessary, and 2) proper, to 3) the exercise of a power vested in the government by the Constitution. As Justice Marshall wrote in M’Culloch v. Maryland, 4 Wheat. 316, 17 U.S. 316, 421, 4 L.Ed. 579 (1819), regarding the scope of the Clause, “Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the constitution, are constitutional.” Because the government has invoked the Necessary and Proper Clause, the court must examine carefully the enumerated and incidental powers upon which the government relies as a source of federal authority to enact § 4248. In addition, even assuming § 4248 is tied to the exercise of an identifiable constitutional power, the court must determine whether § 4248 is a necessary and proper means of effectuating that power. See generally, Gary Lawson and Patricia B. Granger, The “Proper” Scope of Federal Power: A Jurisdictional Interpretation of the Sweeping Clause, 43 Duke L.J. 267, 285 (Nov.1993)(detailing textual and structural arguments that “proper,” as used in the Sweeping Clause, is a term distinct from and supplementary to, “necessary,” and that it functions as an integral part of the constitutional design for a limited national government, i.e., as a substantive, jurisdictional limitation on Congressional power). A. Analysis of Congressional Authority Of the powers suggested by the government, the Commerce Clause is the only one that is actually enumerated in the Constitution. U.S. Const., Art. 8. The other powers cited by the- government — such as the power to criminalize and punish certain conduct, and the power to prosecute — are certainly recognized government powers; however, those powers are themselves necessary and proper exercises of power premised upon enumerated powers. Congress’s power to criminalize certain conduct' is necessarily defined and circumscribed by the enumerated powers, such as the Commerce Clause, or the Spending Clause. The power to prosecute crimes is, of course, an incidental power bounded by the limited,-power to criminalize. And, the power to regulate those legitimately in federal custody is bounded by the individual rights of the persons in custody as described by the Constitution and by the limitations on the powers from which that power to regulate derives. Moreover, as the government acknowledged at oral argument, (Trans, at 26), Congressional power under the Necessary and Proper Clause is, itself, “limited and capped by other constitutional prescriptions ... [f]or instance, the Tenth Amendment,” (id. at 26), and the substantive due process rights of individuals, (id. at 27). The language of the Tenth Amendment, which provides that “[t]he powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people,” U.S. Const., Amend. X, raises important concerns regarding “appropriate means” and the “letter and spirit of the Constitution” when this court is faced with federal legislation in an area that is both not explicitly delegated to the United States and traditionally governed by the several states in an appropriate exercise of their police and parens patriae powers. Accordingly, the court turns to an examination of the powers upon which § 4248 is arguably premised. 1. The Power to Prosecute One of the categories of individuals subject to commitment under § 4248 is comprised of individuals who have previously been committed to the custody of the Attorney General pursuant to section § 4241(d), which allows the temporary commitment of individuals suffering from a mental disease or defect that renders them mentally incompetent to stand trial. The government offers Greenwood v. United States, 350 U.S. 366, 76 S.Ct. 410, 100 L.Ed. 412 (1956), in support of its position that the federal government may legislate to maintain custody over individuals where the federal government has an unexhaust-ed power to prosecute, (Trans, at 39), as in the case of an individual subject to commitment under § 4248 by way of previous commitment under § 4241(d) based on incompetence to stand trial. In Greenwood, the Supreme Court upheld Congress’s power to civilly commit an incompetent individual pursuant to 18 U.S.C. §§ 4246 and 4248. At that time, § 4246 permitted the temporary, pre-trial commitment of an individual found incompetent to stand trial, and § 4248 permitted the further commitment of the same individual “until the sanity or mental competency of the person shall be restored or until the mental condition of the person is so improved that if he be released he will not endanger the safety of the officers, the property, or other interests of the United States, or until suitable arrangements have been made for the custody and care of the prisoner by the State of his residence, whichever event shall first occur.” Greenwood, 350 U.S. at 369 n. 4 & 374, 76 S.Ct. 410 (emphasis added). While Justice Frankfurter rejected the federalism challenge mounted in Greenwood, he explicitly defined the limited extent of federal power to deal with civil commitment of incompetent and dangerous individuals. He wrote that where the petitioner at issue came legally into the custody of the United States but was found unable to stand trial because of his mental condition, “the power that put him into such custody — the power to prosecute for federal offenses — is not exhausted. Its assertion in the form of the pending indictment persists.... [Such a] commitment, and therefore the legislation authorizing commitment in the context of this case, involve an assertion of authority, duly guarded, auxiliary to incontestable national power. As such it is plainly within congressional power under the Necessary and Proper Clause, Art. I, 8, cl. 18.” Id. at 375, 76 S.Ct. 410 (emphasis added). Accordingly, in Greenwood, the Supreme Court recognized that civil commitment of a mentally ill and dangerous individual who is subject to a pending indictment but who is found to be incompetent to stand trial is a legitimate exercise of Congressional power and that the statutory provision for such commitment was necessary and proper to the government’s power to prosecute. Thus, to the extent that there is an indictment pending against an individual like Catron, the power to prosecute is not exhausted, and the Supreme Court has held that Congress has the power to authorize civil commitment where release would endanger the interests of the United States. The civil commitment provision considered by the Greenwood Court, however, differs markedly from § 4246 and § 4248 as they exist today. Accordingly, Greenwood is not dispositive of the issue of Congressional power in the context of § 4248 cases as the government contends. Importantly, Greenwood did not address the source of Congressional authority to civilly commit a prisoner whose sentence is about to expire, such as respondents Com-stock, Matherly, Vigil and Revland, persons as to whom the power to prosecute is, in fact, exhausted. With respect to such individuals, an attempted commitment under § 4248 is a governmental attempt to control the .conduct and circumstances of individuals who are in federal custody after “the power to prosecute for federal offenses” has been exhausted and after the sentences of imprisonment have been served. Likewise, if all criminal charges against an individual have been dropped for reasons pertaining to his mental condition, any further government action against that individual could not be supported by the power to prosecute. The Greenwood Court explicitly declined to provide guidance as to whether such an exercise of power is permissible. 350 U.S. at 376, 76 S.Ct. 410 (“We decide no more than the situation before us presents and equally do not imply an opinion on situations not now before us.”). The government makes some effort to bring the commitment of a prisoner whose sentence is about to expire within the ambit of Congress’s power to prosecute, offering United States v. Plotts, 347 F.3d 873 (10th Cir.2003), as an example of a case in which a court has held that Congress has the “necessary and proper authority to help and assist the executive in its prose-cutorial functions,” (Trans, at 25-26). In Plotts, the defendant pled guilty to receiving child pornography over the Internet and to a count of criminal forfeiture, and he was ultimately required, as a condition of supervised release, to cooperate in the collection of his DNA during that period of supervised release. The defendant argued, in reliance on United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549, 561, 115 S.Ct. 1624, 131 L.Ed.2d 626 (1995), and Morrison, that Congress exceeded its power under the Commerce Clause in enacting the DNA Act, 18 U.S.C. § 3583(d). The'Tenth Circuit approved a DNA collection scheme applicable to an individual as a condition of his supervised release, concluding that the DNA Act was a valid exercise of Congressional power under the Necessary and Proper Clause. Plotts, 347 F.3d at 877. The court concluded that, if the DNA Act were construed as a civil sanction for certain criminal conduct, the Act would be “necessary and proper to the exercise of the Commerce Clause.” Id. at 879. If, on the other hand, the Act were construed as a law enforcement tool, the “Act is a law necessary and proper to the Executive’s constitutionally delegated law enforcement powers.” Id. at 879. In this context, the court found that the defendant had pled guilty to a crime that was a valid exercise of the Commerce Clause power, and that the Necessary and Proper Clause “entrusts Congress with the power to pass laws to aid the Executive in prosecuting those who, like Mr. Plotts, violate federal criminal laws.” Id. The federal government’s right to prosecute and punish, the court found, would be severely hampered “without investigative techniques like the DNA Act.” Id. at 880. The court illustrated the rational link between the provisions of the DNA Act and the enforcement of a valid federal criminal law, explaining that the DNA samples collected from persons convicted of federal crimes were organized into a national database enabling federal, state and local crime labs to exchange and compare information and to link crimes to each other and to convicted offenders. Unlike the DNA Act, § 4248 is not an investigative tool and it does not aid in the prosecution or enforcement of federal criminal laws. Rather, it provides indefinite detention or commitment of persons who have not necessarily been convicted of sexually violent crimes or child molestation to prevent the future commission of sexually violent acts and child molestation. Moreover, the DNA Act regulates the federal government’s interaction with persons in federal custody during the terms of their sentences. It does not attempt to regulate the behavior or constrain the liberty of individuals after the expiration of the sentences they served for their criminal convictions as § 4248 does. The court concludes that civil commitment of sexually dangerous persons whose prison sentences are about to expire is not a necessary and proper extension of Congress’s power to prosecute federal crimes. Another source of power must support the use of the necessary and proper authority in this context. 2. The Commerce Clause Power Like prohibiting the possession of guns within a school zone, 18 U.S.C. § 922(q)(l)(A), or creating a federal civil remedy for the victims of gender-motivated crimes of violence, 42 U.S.C. § 13981, ensuring that pedophiles and other sexually dangerous persons are not permitted to prey on women and children in our communities is a laudable goal. Whether the federal government has the power under the Commerce Clause or, by extension, the Necessary and Proper Clause, to accomplish that end is another matter entirely. Lopez and Morrison suggest that § 4248 would be found unconstitutional if it were premised solely upon Congress’s Commerce Clause authority. Like the Gun Free School Zones Act at issue in Lopez and section 13981 of the Violence Against Women Act of 1994, which was considered in Morrison, § 4248 “contains no jurisdictional element establishing that the federal cause of action is in pursuance of Congress’ power to regulate interstate commerce.” Morrison, 529 U.S. at 613, 120 S.Ct. 1740. Cf., United States v. Templeton, No. CR-06-291-M, 2007 WL 445481 (W.D.Okla. Feb. 7, 2007) (holding that the federal failure to register as a sex offender statute, 18 U.S.C. § 2250(a)(2)(B), a part of the Walsh Act, does not violate the Commerce Clause because the statute includes a jurisdictional nexus as it applies only to those who have been convicted of sex offenses and who travel in interstate or foreign commerce and thus specifically involves persons in interstate travel, an appropriate subject of Congress’s Commerce Clause power); Hinen, 487 F.Supp.2d at 757-58 (same); Mason, 2007 WL 1521515 at *7, 510 F.Supp.2d at 932 (same). Indeed, at oral argument, the government acknowledged that § 4248 does not contain a jurisdictional element providing a Commerce Clause nexus. (Trans, at 23.) In addition, § 4248 is not an example of legislation “regulating activity substantially affecting interstate commerce,” Morrison, 529 U.S. at 610, 120 S.Ct. 1740, nor does it appear to be a necessary part of a more general regulation of interstate commerce, see Gonzales v. Raich, 545 U.S. 1, 37, 125 S.Ct. 2195, 162 L.Ed.2d 1 (2005) (Scalia, J., concurring). Rejecting the argument that Congress could “regulate noneconomic, violent criminal conduct based solely on that conduct’s aggregate effect on interstate commerce,” the Supreme Court in Morrison preserved “one of the few principles that has been consistent since the Clause was adopted. The regulation and punishment of intrastate violence that is not directed at the instru-mentalities, channels, or goods involved in interstate commerce has always been the province of the States.” Morrison, 529 U.S. at 617-18, 120 S.Ct. 1740. Even if § 4248 cannot accurately be described as a punishment, it is most certainly an attempted regulation of violence that is not directed at .interstate commerce. Lopez and Morrison invalidated laws for lack of adequate connection to the federal regulation of commerce. In Lopez, the Court struck down a criminal prohibition, and in Morrison, the Court struck down a federal civil remedy for criminal conduct. Both statutes were Congressional attempts to regulate noneconomic activity. And in both, the Supreme Court rejected the “pil[ing] of inference upon inference in a manner that would bid fair to convert congressional authority under the Commerce Clause to a general police power of the sort retained by the States,” Lopez, 514 U.S. at 567, 115 S.Ct. 1624. See also id. at 577, 115 S.Ct. 1624 (Kennedy, J., concurring) (“Were the Federal Government to take over the regulation of entire areas of traditional state concern, areas having nothing to do with the regulation of commercial activities, the boundaries between the spheres, of federal and state authority would blur”). The restrictiveness of the Supreme Court’s analyses in Lopez and Morrison of the Commerce Clause, an actual enumerated power, is no less applicable and perhaps more so, in the context of the Necessary and Proper Clause, a provision that, by definition, -permits action merely incidental to an enumerated power. See Raich, 545 U.S. at 65, 125 S.Ct. 2195 (Thomas, J., dissenting) (just as allowing Congress to regulate intrastate, noncommercial activity under the Commerce Clause would confer on Congress a general police power over the Nation, “[t]his is no less the case if Congress ties its power to the Necessary and Proper Clause”). In the context of the Necessary and Proper Clause, even more than in the Lopez and Morrison Commerce Clause scenarios, the danger of allowing the federal government to expand the scope of its powers by way of inference and attenuation and to encroach upon the authority and power traditionally reserved to the states is significant. See Morrison, 529 U.S. at 608, 120 S.Ct. 1740 (“The scope of the interstate commerce power must be considered in light of our dual system of government and may not be extended so as to embrace effects upon interstate commerce so indirect and remote that to embrace them, in view of our complex society, would effectually obliterate the distinction between what is national and what is local and create a completely centralized government.”). 3. The Power to Prevent Criminal Conduct The government argues that Congress’s power to commit sexually dangerous individuals derives from its power to prevent the commission of criminal conduct, which in turn, derives from its power to criminalize that conduct in the first place, which power derives from powers enumerated by the Constitution, such as the Commerce Clause. (Gov’t Br. at 7-9.) Citing United States v. Perry, 788 F.2d 100 (3rd Cir.), cert. denied, 479 U.S. 864, 107 S.Ct. 218, 93 L.Ed.2d 146 (1986), the government argues that “[w]here the Constitution invests Congress with the power to criminalize, it invests Congress with the power to prevent the commission of those crimes by persons in BoP or Attorney General custody where ‘necessary and proper’ to its authority to regulate persons in its custody and to criminalize the conduct.” (Gov’t Br. at 7; see also Trans, at 21-22, 25 (when Congress has the authority to criminalize conduct under the Commerce Clause, Congress also has the necessary and proper authority to prevent the future commission of those federal crimes).) A careful examination of Perry, however, illuminates the narrowness and specificity of its relevant holding. In Perry, the Third Circuit addressed the constitutionality of a presumption contained in the Bail Reform Act permitting pretrial detention of an arrestee when “no condition or combination of conditions will reasonably assure ... the safety of the community” and where there is probable cause to believe that the accused has committed a major drug trafficking offense or a felony with a firearm. The court examined the source of federal power to detain arrestees without conviction (a type of civil commitment) for the safety of the community. Perry, 788 F.2d at 109. What, then, is the source of congressional authority to provide for civil commitment for “the safety of the community”? As the legislative voice of a government of limited powers, Congress, unlike the legislatures of the states, cannot sanction for the general welfare.... Congress may concern itself with the “safety of the community” only to the extent that other grants of specific power so permit. Id. In its analysis, the Perry court drew from the Supreme Court’s Greenwood decision the principle that “the federal gov-eminent may resort to civil commitment when such commitment is necessary and proper to the exercise of some specific federal authority. Congress may not, however, authorize commitment simply to protect the general welfare of the community at large.” Id. at 110 (italics added). The specific federal authority at issue in Greenwood was the “power to prosecute for federal offenses.” Greenwood, 350 U.S. at 375, 76 S.Ct. 410. Recognizing that the federal interest at issue in Greenwood was not present in Perry, the Perry court examined the source of Congressional authority to provide for civil commitment for “the safety of the community.” Perry, 788 F.2d at 110. Applying the Greenwood principle, the Perry court wrote: A reasonable construction of this provision is that it is aimed at preventing the specific harm to the community proscribed by the four designated statutes; three dealing with drugs and one dealing with the use of firearms in the commission of federal offenses. We, therefore, read the second presumption of section 3142(e) as addressing only danger to the community from the likelihood that the defendant will, if released, commit one of the proscribed federal offenses. Thus because Congress has the power to proscribe the activities in question, it has the auxiliary authority, under the necessary and proper clause, to resort to civil commitment to prevent their occurrence. Id. at 110-11 (emphasis added). The pre-trial detention scheme in Perry is distinguishable in several ways from the commitment scheme at issue in § 4248. In Perry, the presumption of detention was triggered only for those individuals charged with serious violations of one of four federal drug and firearms statutes, and the statute was construed as one specifically “aimed at preventing the specific harm to the community proscribed by the four designated statutes.” Id. at 111. The court explicitly based its holding that the provision in question was necessary and proper to the exercise of a specific federal authority on its conclusion that the statute “address[ed] only danger to the community from the likelihood that the defendant will, if released, commit one of the proscribed federal offenses.” Id. (emphases added). Thus, in Perry, the court perceived an explicit federal interest, i.e., the prevention of specific federal crimes, and a distinct nexus between the federal crimes with which the individuals in Perry were charged and the presumption that those individuals would commit one of the enumerated federal crimes again if not committed. Under § 4248, any federal prisoner is eligible for certification as a sexually dangerous person, regardless of the nature of his previous conviction, and any individual committed pursuant to § 4241(d) is eligible, regardless of the nature of the charges against him. Section 4248 is, thus, far more broadly applicable than the provision of the Bail Reform Act at issue in Perry. Section § 4248 is not aimed at preventing a specific harm to the community proscribed by a set of enumerated federal laws. Unlike the provision of the Bail Reform Act at issue in Perry, section 4248 simply cannot be construed as a statute addressing only the danger to the community from the likelihood that the defendant will, if released, commit a proscribed federal offenses. It does not require a showing or employ a presumption that a prisoner or one incompetent to stand trial will, if not committed, commit a proscribed federal offense, or for that matter, any federal offense. The government acknowledged at oral argument that Perry’s necessary and proper holding “was tethered to the crimes for which the individual was held that would be committed in the future if the person was released. Because Congress had the Commerce Clause authority to criminalize certain federal drug offenses and federal drug crimes, the [Perry court] found that Congress also possesses the necessary and proper authority to prevent the future commission of those crimes.” (Trans, at 34 (emphasis added).) Without elaborating upon the necessary leap of logic, the government argues that the fact that § 4248 “may thwart the commission of purely state law sex offenses rather than federal crimes is of no moment.” (Br. at 11 (emphases added).) The government’s reliance on Perry here is unpersuasive. While the statute at issue in Perry may have also thwarted the commission of some state law crimes, the Perry court specifically premised Congressional authority to enact the detention provision on the fact that the Act presumed that, absent detention, the charged individuals would commit one of several, enumerated, proscribed federal offenses. The government concedes that § 4248 is aimed at preventing any or all of the sexually violent conduct underlying various federal sex crimes. It is precisely the purview of the states, however, to deal with the so-called “underlying conduct”— particularly if, by that language, the government means the sexually violent conduct stripped of the jurisdictional bases that typically enable Congressional criminalization and regulation. Section 4248, unlike the statute at issue in Perry, is a statute broadly designed to authorize commitment to protect the general welfare of the community, a power that the Perry court believed was not within the scope of Congressional authority. A closer look at various federal sex offenses illuminates the disconnect between the federal government’s limited authority to criminalize sexually violent conduct and § 4248’s scheme permitting the certification and commitment of any federal prisoner who could be characterized as a sexually dangerous person. The federal government simply does not have broad power generally to criminalize sexually dangerous conduct and child molestation. Since the Constitution does not delegate to Congress generally the right to enact criminal laws, every foray into the area of criminal law is an intrusion into the states’ traditional dominion. However, when an activity is the source of a problem national in scope and substantially affects an area over which Congress has poioer, Congress is within its authority in determining that the balancing inherent in federalism weighs in favor of its regulating that activity.... A factor weighing heavily in favor of passing constitutional muster is a jurisdictional element in the criminal statute, that is, one which requires as an element of proof evidence that the activity is interstate in nature.... United States v. Ganaposki 930 F.Supp. 1076 (M.D.Pa.1996) (citations omitted)(emphasis added)(holding section 228 of Child Support Recovery Act valid under the Commerce Clause because willful failure to pay child support with respect to a child residing in another state has a substantial effect on interstate commerce). In other words, congressional enactment of the federal criminal laws is itself an exercise of power under the Necessary and Proper Clause. See, e.g., United States v. Patton, 451 F.3d 615, 618 (10th Cir.2006) (“It may seem like common sense to prohibit felons’ possession of bulletproof vests and other forms of body armor, which facilitate violent crime. Indeed, thirty-one states already do so. But the Constitution does not grant the federal government a police power or a general authority to combat violent crime.... The myriad provisions in the federal criminal code are justified, as a constitutional matter, only by reference to Congress’s enumerated powers.”), cert. denied, - U.S. -, 127 S.Ct. 1247, 167 L.Ed.2d 87 (2007). Providing for civil commitment deemed necessary to effectuate the goals of federal criminal laws, which are themselves contingent on some other enumerated power, may be permissible, but the connections should be made clear. Federal sex crimes have, incorporated within them, specific jurisdictional elements. See, e.g., 18 U.S.C. §§ 2241-2245, 2251-2252 (addressing proscribed sexual conduct with children or others, or conduct exploitative of children, that occurs in the maritime or territorial jurisdiction of the United States, in federal prisons, or in interstate commerce). The power to criminalize certain circumscribed sexually violent behavior is not an “enumerated power” upon which to premise the civil commitment of any potentially sexually dangerous persons as a “necessary and proper” act. Construing the necessary and proper clause in this way would allow Congress to take steps to “prevent” all kinds of conduct that it has no ability to criminalize in the first place. If Congress is limited in criminalizing conduct and punishing that conduct when it occurs, Congress must be subject to those same limitations in any quest to prevent such criminal conduct from happening. The government is correct that incidental prevention of criminal conduct that violates state laws should not, in and of itself, invalidate a federal effort to prevent the commission of federal crimes. However, where there is absolutely no nexus between the findings required for commitment under § 4248 and the likelihood that any individual prisoner would commit a federal sex crime, and where the vast majority of sexually violent conduct and child sexual abuse is regulated by state law, and where the commitment of mentally disordered sexually violent individuals is traditionally handled by state governments, the federal government has created a situation in which its commitment efforts are likely to solely prevent the commission of state criminal conduct. The court concludes that neither the Commerce Clause, the Necessary and Proper Clause, nor any other authority suggested, provide Congress with the power to enact § 4248 as it pertains to individuals previously committed under § 4241, to prisoners whose sentences are about to expire, or to people in federal custody against whom all criminal charges are dropped based on mental condition. B. Is § 4248 “Necessary” and “Proper”? Assuming, for the sake of argument, that Congress had the power to enact § 4248, the court will examine whether § 4248 is a necessary and proper exercise of that power. 1. Necessary The Supreme Court has held on several occasions that the Necessary and Proper Clause does not demand that an act of Congress be “absolutely necessary” to the exercise of an enumerated power. See, e.g., Jinks v. Richland County, S.C., 538 U.S. 456, 462, 123 S.Ct. 1667, 155 L.Ed.2d 631 (2003). The Necessary and Proper Clause “enables Congress to enact laws, subject to other constitutional constraints, ‘that bear a rational connection to any of its enumerated powers.’ ” Plotts, 347 F.3d at 878. Even if Perry stands for the proposition that the federal government has the power or the authority under the Necessary and Proper Clause to detain or commit individuals in an attempt to prevent the conduct that it has the power to criminalize, a proposition that respondents dispute, § 4248 should not be characterized as a “necessary” means of carrying out that particular power because the statute is not, as explained above, rationally connected to the goal of preventing federal sex crimes. Finding that a person has engaged in the statutorily undefined “sexually violent conduct” or “child molestation” and that a person has a mental abnormality inclining him or her to sexual deviance or violence of one kind or another is simply not a reliable indication of the likelihood that (s)he will commit a federal crime, i.e., a type of criminal conduct that the federal government has the authority to regulate, and thus commitment of such a person cannot accurately be described as an action necessary to the execution of an enumerated federal power. The court recognizes that the broad interpretation accorded to the term “necessary” historically gives Congress wide latitude in crafting federal laws to help carry out its enumerated powers. The “necessary” test simply is not a strenuous one. Necessary and proper are not synonymous, however. 2. “Proper” Laws — a Limitation of the Federal Government’s License to Regulate In M’Culloch, Justice Marshall emphasized that Congress could not “under the pretext of executing its powers, pass laws for the accomplishment of objects not entrusted to the government.” 17 U.S. at 423. The Supreme Court reiterated the limitations imposed by the Constitution upon the federal government in Morrison: With its careful enumeration of federal powers and explicit statement that all powers not granted to the federal government are reserved, the Constitution cannot realistically be interpreted as granting the Federal Government an unlimited license to regulate. Moreover, the principle that “ ‘the Constitution created a Federal Government of limited powers,’ ” while reserving a generalized police power to the States, is deeply ingrained in our constitutional history. Morrison, 529 U.S. at 618 n. 8, 120 S.Ct. 1740 (citations omitted). Justice Marshall’s oft-quoted language from M’Culloch also requires any act taken pursuant to the Necessary and Proper Clause to be accomplished by means “which are appropriate,” and which “consist with the letter and spirit of the constitution,.... ” Id. Both requirements may allude to propriety. “[A] ‘proper’ executory law must respect the system of enumerated federal powers: executory laws may not regulate or prohibit activities that fall outside the subject areas specifically enumerated in the Constitution.” The “Proper” Scope of Federal Power: A Jurisdictional Interpretation of the Sweeping Clause, 43 Duke L.J. at 285. Both M’Culloch and the rationale underlying the Supreme Court’s more recent Commerce Clause jurisprudence support the thesis offered by Lawson and Granger that the term “proper,” as used in the Necessary and Proper Clause, functions as a substantive, jurisdictional limitation on Congressional power. Given the requirement that means chosen by Congress be “appropriate” and “consist[ent] with the letter and spirit of the Constitution” and taking into consideration both the carefully delimited powers of the federal government and the powers traditionally reserved to and exercised by the States, this court concludes that § 4248 is not a “proper” exercise of federal power. The Fourth Circuit has recognized that Congress may act pursuant to an enumerated or cognizable incidental power, yet still fail to craft a statute that is a proper means of effectuating its intent: Under the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the [Tenth] amendment, we ask two questions to determine whether a statute violates it: First, whether the regulation it embodies is within Congress’ raw power as being within those enumerated in the constitution. Second, whether, even if so, the means of regulation employed yet impermissibly infringe upon state sovereignty. New York v. United States, 505 U.S. 144, 159, 188, 112 S.Ct. 2408, 120 L.Ed.2d 120, ... (1992) (so concluding, in process of holding that while Congress had raw Commerce Clause power to regulate disposal of low level nuclear waste, means chosen, of effectively requiring states to regulate, impermissibly infringe on state sovereignty). See also ACORN v. Edwards, 81 F.3d 1387, 1393 (5th Cir.1996) (same). United States v. Johnson, 114 F.3d 476, 480 (4th Cir.), cert. denied, 522 U.S. 904, 118 S.Ct. 258, 139 L.Ed.2d 185 (1997). The Tenth Amendment provides that the “powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively....” U.S. Const., Amend. X. The interpretation and application of the Necessary and Proper Clause must accord with the letter and spirit of the Tenth Amendment and the historical reservation of certain defined powers to the states. In this case, the government has asserted Congress’s power to act pursuant to the Necessary and Proper Clause in two overlapping areas traditionally governed by the states — the prohibition of sexually violent criminal conduct and the commitment of and care for mentally ill individuals. See Raich, 545 U.S. at 42, 125 S.Ct. 2195 (“The States’ core police powers have always included authority to define criminal law and to protect the health, safety, and welfare of their citizens.”)(0’Connor, J., dissenting); Morrison, 529 U.S. at 618, 120 S.Ct. 1740 (“we can think of no better example of the police power, which the Founders denied the National Government and reposed in the States, than the suppression of violent crime”); O’Connor v. Donaldson, 422 U.S. 563, 582-83, 95 S.Ct. 2486, 45 L.Ed.2d 396 (1975) (“There can be little doubt that in the exercise of its police power a State may confine individuals solely to protect society from the dangers of significant antisocial acts or communicable disease.... Additionally, the States are vested with the historic parens patriae power, including the duty to protect ‘persons under legal disabilities to act for themselves.’.... The classic example of this role is when a State undertakes to act as ‘the general guardian of all infants, idiots, and lunatics.’ ” (citations omitted)); United States v. Cohen, 733 F.2d 128, 133 (D.C.Cir.1984) (same); United States v. Duhon, 104 F.Supp.2d 663, 681 (W.D.La.2000) (care and treatment of mentally ill and incompetent has historically been the province of the states). This assertion of power, together with the government’s acknowl-edgement at oral argument that the Tenth Amendment limits the necessary and proper power of Congress, (Trans, at 26), highlight the difficulties posed by § 4248’s commitment scheme. The mere fact that a federal law displaces state action does not, in and of itself, signify Congressional overreaching. The Supreme Court has explicitly “upheld as constitutional any number of federal statutes enacted under the commerce power that pre-empt particular exercises of state police power.” Hodel v. Virginia Surface Mining and Reclamation Ass’n, Inc., 452 U.S. 264, 101 S.Ct. 2352, 69 L.Ed.2d 1 (1981). Thus, the Tenth Amendment does not prohibit Congress from displacing state laws enacted pursuant to state police power when Congress is acting pursuant to its Commerce Clause powers. As discussed previously, § 4248 was not enacted pursuant to Congress’s Commerce Clause power or any other enumerated power. Statutes like § 4248, that purportedly are enacted pursuant to the Necessary and Proper Clause, yet are not obviously tied to an enumerated power, present a more complicated question. What might be “necessary” and certainly what might be “proper” to aid the federal government in the enforcement of criminal laws and its asserted power to prevent criminal conduct, particularly in this area not explicitly delegated to the federal government and historically reserved to the states, would logically be determined by reference to that reserved power. See Garcia v. San Antonio Metropolitan Transit Authority, 469 U.S. 528, 584-85, 105 S.Ct. 1005, 83 L.Ed.2d 1016 (1985) (O’Connor, J., dissenting, joined by Justices Powell and Rehnquist) (explaining that the underlying principle in numerous Supreme Court cases (cited therein) is consistent: “state autonomy is a relevant factor in assessing the means by which Congress exercises its powers”). In New York v. United States, 505 U.S. 144, 156, 112 S.Ct. 2408, 120 L.Ed.2d 120 (1992), the Supreme Court wrote, [Questions [as to whether particular sovereign powers have been granted by the Constitution to the Federal Government or have been retained by the States] can be viewed in either of two ways. In some cases, the Court has inquired whether an Act of Congress is authorized by one of the powers delegated to Congress in Article I of the Constitution. See, e.g., Perez v. United States, 402 U.S. 146, 91 S.Ct. 1357, 28 L.Ed.2d 686 (1971); McCulloch v. Maryland, 4 Wheat. 316, 4 L.Ed. 579 (1819). In other cases the Court has sought to determine whether an Act of Congress invades the province of state sovereignty reserved by the Tenth Amendment. See, e.g., Garcia v. San Antonio Metropolitan Transit Authority, 469 U.S. 528, 105 S.Ct. 1005, 83 L.Ed.2d 1016 (1985); Lane County v. Oregon, 7 Wall. 71, 19 L.Ed. 101 (1869).... This has been the Court’s consistent understanding: “The States unquestionably do retai[n] a significant measure of sovereign authority ... to the extent that the Constitution has not divested them of their original powers and transferred those powers to the Federal Government.” .... (citation omitted). A. Limited Federal Action Historically in the Area of Commitment Among other important factors, Congress has, prior to the enactment of § 4248, expressed an historical reluctance to overstep the bounds of federal authority in the area of civil commitment legislation. This reluctance has been expressed in legislative history and in the texts of various commitment statutes. Prior to 1984, Congress expressed doubt, on a number of occasions, about its authority to provide for the federal commitment of individuals acquitted on the basis of insanity. In a 1983 D.C. Circuit case, then Judge Scalia reviewed the legislative history pertaining to the enactment of civil commitment schemes for such individuals and Tenth Amendment concerns: Congress has on a number of occasions considered providing for the commitment, nationwide, of federal defendants acquitted on grounds of insanity.... The most recent occasion brought forth a well considered analysis by the House Judiciary Committee of the major concern leading to rejection: The Committee recognizes that the Federal government is one of specifically enumerated powers. State governments, on the other hand, may act in any given area unless specifically prohibited by the Constitution. Commitment and treatment of the mentally ill has traditionally been left to the states pursuant to their parens patri-ae or general police power. The Federal government has no such authority. Foote, A Comment on Pre-Trial Commitment of Criminal Defendants, 108 U. Pa. L.Rev. 832 (1960).... [The report then considers in detail whether Congress has the constitutional authority to provide for a nationwide federal commitment procedure, but draws no firm conclusion.] In view of these considerations, the Committee believes that a Federal procedure for the commitment of the dangerously mental [sic] disturbed would constitute an inappropriate interference with the balance of Federal and State powers. Moreover, such a procedure could constitute a precedent for further Federal involvement in the care of the mentally ill. Once the Federal Government takes on the task of caring for the dangerously mental [sic] ill that become involved in the Federal criminal system, Congress would most likely be asked to expand the Federal role even further. For example, legislation might be proposed allowing the Federal Government to take over State mental health institutions, or to accept the transfer of those incarcerated there, when the State is allegedly not doing a satisfactory job. The Committee thus believes that the care of the mentally ill is a task that uniquely belongs within the parens patriae powers of the States. H.R.Rep. No. 1396, 96th Cong., 2d Sess. 559, 561 (1980) (footnotes omitted). United States v. Cohen, 733 F.2d 128, 137-38 (D.C.Cir.1984) (bracketed material original). Judge Scalia explained further that [t]he issue, of course, is whether such congressional action would run afoul of the Tenth Amendment, because legislative authority in the general field of lunacy is reserved to the states. That issue was raised, but not resolved by the Supreme Court’s decision, in Greenwood v. United States, 350 U.S. 366, 76 S.Ct. 410, 100 L.Ed. 412 (1956), which involved federal treatment of a defendant found not competent to stand trial on federal charges. The narrow basis on which the Court found such treatment permissible' — i.e., not barred by the Tenth Amendment — -was that until the federal charges had been disposed of, the individual was properly in the custody of the United States. Id. at 375, 76 S.Ct. 410,.... If that is the only permissible basis for federal action in this field, then once the criminal custody is terminated, which may occur at the moment the defendant is acquitted, see Note, Federal Commitment of Defendants Found Not Guilty by Reason of Insani ty-Proposed Legislation, 52 Iowa L.Rev. 930 (1967), the-constitutional underpinnings of federal treatment may also dissolve. Id. at 137 n. 15. Within months of the Cohen case, and despite the concerns expressed in the legislative history cited therein, Congress enacted the Insanity Defense Reform Act of 1984 (IDRA), 18 U.S.C. § 17 and 18 U.S.C. §§ 4241-4247, which permits the federal civil commitment of insanity acquittees. However, that legislation, which also provides for the civil commitment of prisoners who are mentally ill and dangerous prior to the expiration of their sentences, see 18 U.S.C. § 4246, i