Full opinion text
FINDINGS OF FACT AND CONCLUSIONS OF LAW MELTON, District Judge. This action was commenced by plaintiff Lois Robinson pursuant to Title VII- of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as amended, 42 U.S.C. § 2000e, et seq., and Executive Order No. 11246, as amended. Plaintiff asserts defendants created and encouraged a sexually hostile, intimidating work environment. Her claim centers around the presence in the workplace of pictures of women in various stages of undress and in sexually suggestive or submissive poses, as well as remarks by male employees and supervisors which demean women. Defendants dispute plaintiff’s description of the work environment and maintain that, to the extent the work environment may be found to satisfy the legal definition of a hostile work environment, they are not liable for the acts that give rise to such a description. Defendants further contest the Court’s authority to structure a remedy in the form sought by plaintiff. This non-jury action was tried by the Court over the course of eight days in January and February 1989, with final arguments subsequently submitted in writing. Testimony was received from various persons who were involved in the events allegedly creating the hostile work environment. The testimony of several witnesses was received in deposition form. Each side presented two expert witnesses. Photographs and other documentary evidence were received. The Court has fully considered the believability of the testimony presented, including the credibility of witnesses, and has also carefully reviewed the photographs and other documentary evidence. Based thereon, the Court finds that certain of the defendants violated Title VII through the maintenance of a sexually hostile work environment and thereby discriminated against plaintiff because of her sex. In so holding, the Court makes the following Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law in accordance with Fed.R.Civ.P. 52(a). To the extent that any Findings of Fact constitute Conclusions of Law, they are adopted as such; to the extent that any Conclusions of Law constitute Findings of Fact, they are so adopted. FINDINGS OF FACT Parties 1.Plaintiff Lois Robinson (“Robinson”) is a female employee of Jacksonville Shipyards, Inc. (“JSI”). She has been a welder since September 1977. Robinson is one of a very small number of female skilled craftworkers employed by JSI. Between 1977 and the present, Robinson was promoted from third-class welder to second-class welder and from second-class welder to her present position as a first-class welder. 2. JSI is a Florida corporation that runs several shipyards engaged in the business of ship repair, including the Commercial Yard and the Mayport Yard. (The Court takes judicial notice of the closing and the reopening of the Commercial Yard operation subsequent to the trial of this case.) JSI does ship repair work for the federal government Department of the Navy. See P.Exh. No. 73 (list of Navy vessels JSI worked on during 1983-88). As a federal contractor, JSI has affirmative action and non-discrimination obligations. 6 T.T. at 80-81 (stipulation by counsel); P.Exh. No. 34. 3. Defendant Arnold Mcllwain (“Mcll-wain”) held the office of President of JSI from the time Robinson was hired by the company through the time of the trial of this case. (The Court is aware from news reports that Mcllwain no longer holds this office.) In that capacity he was the highest-ranking officer at JSI; as such he had supervisory authority over Robinson throughout her employment at JSI. 4. Defendant Lawrence Brown (“Brown”) has been Vice-President for Operations at JSI since 1980. During the time relevant to this case, he oversaw the operations of the Commercial Yard and the Mayport Yard and formulated policies and regulations concerning the conduct and treatment of JSI employees at these two yards. He had and has supervisory authority over Robinson. 5. Defendant John Stewart (“Stewart”) has been Industrial Relations Manager of JSI since 1981. During the time relevant to this case, he was responsible for personnel policies at all of JSI’s facilities, including the Mayport Yard and the Commercial Yard, and was in charge of handling Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) complaints filed against JSI. 6. Defendant Elmer L. Ahlwardt (“Ahl-wardt”) was Vice-President of the Mayport Yard from 1977 to 1988. During that time, he was the highest ranking official and principal supervisor at the Mayport Yard. (He retired from JSI in 1988.) He had supervisory authority over Robinson throughout her employment by JSI when she worked at the Mayport Yard. 7. Defendant Everette P. Owens (“Owens”) was a yard superintendent at the Mayport Yard from 1973 until 1988. (He was not working at the time of the trial due to an injury.) He was responsible for managing the daily operation of the May-port Yard; he had supervisory authority over Robinson when she worked there. 8. Defendant Ellis Lovett (“Lovett”) has been shipfitters’ foreman at JSI’s May-port Yard since approximately 1970. Lo-vett handled personnel problems in his shop, including reprimanding shipfitters at the Mayport Yard. 9. Defendant John Kiedrowski (“Kied-rowski”) was promoted from first-class welder to leaderman at JSI in 1976, and since that time he has held the position of either quarterman or leaderman. Kiedrow-ski has exercised limited supervisory authority over Robinson and has inspected her work. Kiedrowski Depo. at 42. In January 1985 Kiedrowski was the most senior person in the welding department on the day shift at the Mayport Yard and aboard the U.S.S. Saratoga. 8 T.T. at 97. The JSI Workplace 10. In addition to a welding department, JSI’s other craft departments include ship-fitting, sheetmetal, electrical, transportation, shipping and receiving (including tool-room), carpenter, boilermaker, inside machine, outside machine, rigging, quality assurance and pipe. Employees in these craft departments may be assigned to work at either the Mayport Yard, situated at the Mayport Naval Station, or the Commercial Yard, situated at a riverfront site in downtown Jacksonville and sometimes referred to as the downtown yard. Robinson’s job assignments at JSI have required her to work at both the Commercial Yard and the Mayport Yard. 11. The term “shop” has two meanings at the shipyards. The various craft departments are called shops. These departments also have permanent physical locations that are called shops. A craft department may bear a nickname; for example, the shipfitters’ shop is sometimes referred to as the fab shop. 12. At Mayport, the shops are housed in several large buildings in the “backyard compound.” When an aircraft carrier is docked for repair, the ship gives a compound to JSI in a hangar bay in which to put trailers which serve as temporary offices for each shop or department. This shipboard compound may range from approximately 30 feet by 100 feet to 60 feet by 150 feet. The space between the trailers on either side of the compound is approximately wide enough to allow passage of a truck. Each trailer houses two temporary offices, about six feet by twelve feet in size, which may be empty, or may contain office furniture (for example, desks and bulletin boards). Workers store their equipment in the trailers and congregate there with coworkers, both to socialize and for work-related reasons. 13. Robinson’s job assignments at the Mayport Yard have included “combination jobs,” in which she sometimes works as a welder in combination with shipfitters. At times, Robinson has been directed by her superiors to stand in front of the shipfit-ters’ trailer to get her assignment from the shipfitters’ leaderman. When welders work with shipfitters at the Mayport Yard, it is not unusual for them to go into the shipfitters’ trailer. Robinson has, for example, gone into the shipfitters’ trailer to check on paperwork or her assignment. 14. Ship repair work is a dangerous profession; JSI acknowledges the need to “provide a working environment that is safe and healthful.” Jt.Exh. No. 11, at 37 (collective bargaining agreement); see also Jt.Exh. No. 12 (JSI Safety Instructions and General Company Rules). Accidents pose a continuing risk and do happen; as defendant Mcllwain noted, where individuals are working together, “one slip” could lead to someone getting hurt. Mcllwain Depo. at 27. Welding, Robinson’s profession, poses particular risks. See Turner Depo. at 62-65 (falling, slipping, burns, flammable gas). 15. Quartermen and leadermen at JSI are union bargaining unit employees who assign and check the work performed by craftworkers. Quartermen are below foremen in authority, but a quarterman does the foreman’s job when the foreman is absent from the work area. Owens Depo. at 33-34. Leadermen are directly below quartermen in authority and look to quar-termen as their immediate supervisors. 5 T.T. at 172. Leadermen often are the most senior persons in a shop in a work area. See, e.g., 7 T.T. at 128; 8 T.T. at 97. Lead-ermen, however, lack the authority to hire, fire, or promote other employees. 8 T.T. at 89. Leadermen cannot discipline other workers, id., although they can make recommendations to the foremen about discipline, McMillan Depo. at 137. Leadermen have no authority to resolve or adjust formal employee grievances. 8 T.T. at 89. The JSI Working Environment 16. JSI is, in the words of its employees, “a boys club,” 4 T.T. at 36, and “more or less a man’s world,” McMillan Depo. at 97. Women craftworkers are an extreme rarity. The company’s EEO-1 reports from 1980 to 1987 typically show that women form less than 5 percent of the skilled crafts. P.Exh. Nos. 35-42. For example, JSI reported employing 2 women and 958 men as skilled craftworkers in 1980, 7 women and 1,010 men as skilled craftwork-ers in 1983, and 6 women and 846 men as skilled craftworkers in 1986. Henry Starling, a shift superintendent at the Commercial Yard, testified that on a busy shift he may see only 8 or 10 women, while seeing 150 men; on a quiet shift he may see no women at all. 7 T.T. at 21-22; see also 5 T.T. at 169 (welding leaderman estimated shift of 50 to 100 people included only 1 or 2 women); Lovett Depo. at 8 (only 5 or 6 of 98 shipfitters are female); Turner Depo. at 6 (only 2 of approximately 100 welders are female). Leslie Albert, Lawanna Gail Banks, and Robinson each testified that she was the only woman in a crowd of men on occasions when each was sexually harassed at JSI. See, e.g., 1 T.T. at 32-33, 112-14, 175-76; 2 T.T. at 16, 35-37; 3 T.T. at 42-47, 52-54, 84-86, 109-11; 4 T.T. at 11-12, 25-28, 75-77. JSI has never employed a woman as a leaderman, quarter-man, assistant foreman, foreman, superintendent, or coordinator. Nor has any woman ever held a position of Vice-President or President of JSI. 17. Pictures of nude and partially nude women appear throughout the JSI workplace in the form of magazines, plaques on the wall, photographs torn from magazines and affixed to the wall or attached to calendars supplied by advertising tool supply companies (“vendors’ advertising calendars”). Two plaques consisting of pictures of naked women, affixed to wood and varnished, were introduced into evidence, Jt. Exh. Nos. 6, 7, and identified by several witnesses as having been on display for years at JSI in the fab shop area under the supervision of defendant Lovett, 1 T.T. at 101; 7 T.T. at 94; 8 T.T. at 142-43. 18. Advertising calendars, such as Joint Exhibits Nos. 1-5, have been delivered for years to JSI by vendors with whom it does business. JSI officials then distribute the advertising calendars among JSI employees with the full knowledge and approval of JSI management. JSI employees are free to post these advertising calendars in the workplace. (It is not a condition of JSI’s contracts with the vendors that the advertising calendars be posted.) A major supplier of advertising calendars to JSI is Whilden Valve and Gauge Repair, Inc.; Valve Repair, Inc. also does business with JSI and also delivers advertising calendars to the company. Joint Exhibit No. 1 is the 1984 Whilden Valve and Gauge Repair, Inc. calendar that was distributed among employees at JSI; it hung in the pipe shop at the Mayport Yard, among other places. The exhibit designated as Joint Exhibit No. 2 is a copy of an advertising calendar from Whilden Valve and Gauge Repair, Inc. that was posted, among other places, in the shipfitters’ temporary office on the U.S.S. Saratoga in January 1985. Joint Exhibit No. 5 is a copy of a Valve Repair, Inc. calendar that was distributed at JSI in 1987 and which was on display in, among other places, the offices of the foreman and lead-erman of the pipe shop at the Commercial Yard. Generally speaking, these calendars feature women in various stages of undress and in sexually suggestive or submissive poses. A description in greater detail of the calendars’ contents is set forth in Findings of Fact (“FOF”) 1125. Several male JSI employees corroborated the display of similar advertising calendars at JSI. See, e.g., 6 T.T. at 130, 145 (Owens); id. at 198-200 (Ahlwardt); 7 T.T. at 53 (McBride); id. at 79, 93 (Cooney). 19. JSI has never distributed nor tolerated the distribution of a calendar or calendars with pictures of nude or partially nude men. Ahlwardt stated that he has never seen a picture of a nude man at JSI and would be surprised to see one. Ahlwardt Depo. at 100-01. Lovett said that he would probably throw such a calendar in the trash. Lovett Depo. at 18-20. Welding foreman Fred Turner noted it was accepted at the shipyards for vendors to supply calendars of nude women, but he had never known of a vendor distributing a calendar of nude men and, if one did so, he would think the “son of a bitch” was “queer.” Turner Depo. at 52-53. 20. JSI employees are encouraged to request permission to post most kinds of materials; however, prior approval by the company is not required for the posting of advertising calendars with pictures of nude or partially nude women. JSI management has denied employees’ requests to post political materials, advertisements and commercial materials. 21. Bringing magazines and newspapers on the job is prohibited, 6 T.T. at 139-42, but male JSI employees read pornographic magazines in the workplace without apparent sanctions, see 7 T.T. at 215-23 (testimony of Roy Wingate regarding Robinson’s complaint about coworker reading pornographic magazine on the job). Although JSI employees are discouraged by management from reading on the job, they are not prohibited from tearing sexually suggestive or explicit pictures of women out of such magazines and displaying them on the workplace walls at JSI. Kied-rowski Depo. at 76-77; see also Leach Depo. at 19-21, 26 (Playboy and Penthouse magazines in desk drawers in shipfitting shop and trailer office; Leach showed them to other men in the fab shop); McMillan Depo. at 46-47 (magazines showing nude women kept in storeroom and transportation department for JSI male employees to read). 22. Management employees from the very top down condoned these displays; often they had their own pictures. Mcll-wain, for example, has been aware for years of Playboy- and Penthouse-style pictures showing nude women posted in the workplace; he refused to issue a policy prohibiting the display of such pictures. Mcllwain Depo. at 56-57, 81-82. Both Brown and Stewart have encountered pictures of nude or partially nude women in the work environment at JSI. Nevertheless, both men have concluded, and agreed with each other, that there is nothing wrong with pictures of naked or partially naked women being posted in the JSI workplace. Ahlwardt kept a “pin-up” himself, 6 T.T. at 207; Lovett, like some other foremen, had vendors’ advertising calendars in his office. Lovett Depo. at 35-36; Jt.Exh. No. 5. Coordinators, who are members of management, 6 T.T. at 132, and who are responsible for ensuring that government contracts are performed to the satisfaction of the federal government, have had pornographic magazines in the desks of their trailers, 5 T.T. at 182. Sexual Harassment of Plaintiff 23. Robinson credibly testified to the extensive, pervasive posting of pictures depicting nude women, partially nude women, or sexual conduct and to the occurrence of other forms of harassing behavior perpetrated by her male coworkers and supervisors. Her testimony covered the full term of her employment, from 1977 to 1988. The Court considered those incidents that fall outside the time frame of a Title YII complaint for the purpose of determining the context of the incidents which are actionable (i.e., whether the more recent conduct may be dismissed as an aberration or must be considered to be a part of the work environment) and for the purpose of assessing the reasonableness of the response by defendants to the complaints that Robinson made during the Title VII time frame. The Court also recognizes some limitations in Robinson’s testimony. She tried to ignore some sexual comments. Her testimony included many episodes of harassment not previously disclosed in her answers to defendants’ interrogatories because, as stated in those answers, the frequency with which the incidents occurred over the course of her employment made delineating every one a difficult task. Robinson’s demeanor at trial reflected the emotional nature of her recollections. Moreover, the large number of male employees and the often surreptitious nature of the postings and graffiti writings left Robinson incapable of identifying many of her harassers. (Indeed, a perusal of her testimony and that of her coworkers reveals that many persons in the shipyards knew each other only by nicknames.) These limitations, however, do not diminish the weight and the usefulness of the testimony. The individual episodes illustrate and lend credibility to the broader assertion of pervasiveness. 24. Robinson’s testimony provides a vivid description of a visual assault on the sensibilities of female workers at JSI that did not relent during working hours. She credibly testified that the pervasiveness of the pictures left her unable to recount every example, but those pictures which she did describe illustrate the extent of this aspect of the work environment at JSI. She testified to seeing in the period prior to April 4,1984, the three hundredth day prior to the filing of her EEOC charge: (a) a picture of a woman, breasts and pubic area exposed, inside a drydock area in 1977 or 1978. 1 T.T. at 104. (b) a picture of a nude Black woman, pubic area exposed to reveal her labia, seen in the public locker room. 1 T.T. at 105. (c) drawings and graffiti on the walls, including a drawing depicting a frontal view of a nude female torso with the words “USDA Choice” written on it, at the Commercial Yard in the late 1970’s or early 1980’s, in an area where Robinson was assigned to work. 1 T.T. at 112-13. (d) a picture of a woman’s pubic area with a meat spatula pressed on it, observed on a wall next to the sheetmetal shop at Mayport in the late 1970’s. 1 T.T. at 113. (e) centerfold-style pictures in the May-port Yard toolroom trailer, which Robinson saw daily in the necessary course of her work for over one month in the late 1970s. 1 T.T. at 105-08. Neal McCormick, a toolroom worker from 1975 to 1980, verified that the toolroom personnel had indeed displayed pictures of nude women “of the Playboy centerfold variety” during the time he worked there. 8 T.T. at 66-67. (f) pictures of nude or partially nude women in the fab shop lockers at the Commercial Yard in 1978 through 1980. 1 T.T. at 110-11. (g) a pornographic magazine handed to Robinson by a male coworker in front of other coworkers in the early 1980s. 1 T.T. at 110-11. (h) a magazine containing pictures of nude and partially nude women in the possession of a pipefitter, in 1980, who was reading it in the engine room of a ship. 2 T.T. at 17. (i) pictures in the shipfitters’ shop at the Commercial Yard, in 1983, observed by Robinson while she was walking to the welding shop, including a frontal nude with a shaved pubic area and corseted nude with her breasts and buttocks area exposed. 1 T.T. at 120-21. Robinson complained to John Robinson, the quarterman on the third shift in the shipfitting department, about the second picture; he took it down that night and she never saw the picture again. Id. (j) a picture of a woman with her breasts exposed, on the outside of a shack on a ship in the Commercial Yard. 2 T.T. at 10. Robinson enlisted the assistance of union vice-president Leroy Yeomans to have the picture removed. 6 T.T. at 221-22, 228-29. It was removed within a day or two. 25. Robinson’s testimony concerning visual harassment in the period commencing April 4, 1984, includes: (a) a picture of a nude woman with long blonde hair wearing high heels and holding a whip, waved around by a coworker, Freddie Dixon, in 1984, in an enclosed area where Robinson and approximately six men were working. 1 T.T. at 114-20. Robinson testified she felt particularly targeted by this action because she has long blonde hair and works with a welding tool known as a whip. Id. at 114. Dixon admitted that he had indeed waved the picture around for other male employees to see, but denied that he intended to target or offend Robinson. 7 T.T. at 150. In fact, Dixon claimed that he was unaware that Robinson was in the area and that he was unaware that Robinson was a blonde. Id. at 149-51. The Court does not find his denials credible; the evidence more readily supports the conclusion that Dixon intended to offend Robinson, or acted with such disregard for her that the harassment could be equated with intent. (b) calendars posted in the pipe shop in the Commercial Yard, in 1983 or 1984, including a picture in which a nude woman was bending over with her buttocks and genitals exposed to view. 1 T.T. at 121-22. (Joint Exh. No. 1 was admitted as illustrative of this type of calendar. It is a Whilden Valve and Gauge calendar for 1984. The naked breasts or buttocks of each model are exposed in every month; the pubic areas also are visible on the models featured in April and September. Several of the pictures are suggestive of sexually submissive behavior.) Robinson testified that she observed at least three pictures posted in the pipe shop. Id. Although this was not Robinson’s usual work area, she was in that shop with a leaderman to find the pipe shop leaderman to clarify a work matter. Id. at 122. (c) a picture of a nude woman with long blond hair sitting in front of a mirror brushing her hair, in a storage area on a ship. 1 T.T. at 123. Robinson mentioned to either a leaderman or the assistant foreman that she considered it a “very dirty ship,” and she was subsequently reassigned to a different location. Id. (d) Joint Exh. No. 3, a Whilden Valve & Gauge calendar for 1985, which features Playboy playmate of the month pictures on each page. 2 T.T. at 21. The female models in this calendar are fully or partially nude. In every month except February, April, and November, the model’s breasts are fully exposed. The pubic areas are exposed on the women featured in August and December. Several of the pictures are suggestive of sexually submissive behavior. (e) several pictures of nude or partially nude women posted in the fab shop area in the backyard of the Mayport Yard, in January 1985, visible to her from her path to and from the time clock building. 1 T.T. at 19-20. (f) pictures in the shipfitters’ trailer on board the U.S.S. Saratoga, in January 1985, including one picture of two nude women apparently engaged in lesbian sex. 1 T.T. at 22-23. Robinson later observed a calendar, Jt. Exh. No. 2, in this office. Id. at 44-45. This calendar, distributed by Whilden Valve and Gauge, features pictures of nude and partially nude women each month. The breasts of each model are exposed; the pubic areas of the models also are exposed for May, October and December. Several of the pictures are suggestive of sexually submissive behavior. (g) pictures in the toolroom trailer aboard the U.S.S. Saratoga, in January 1985, including one of a nude woman with long blond hair lying down propped up on her elbow and a smaller black and white photograph of a female nude. 1 T.T. at 24-25. These pictures formed a part of Robinson’s complaint that forms the foundation of this lawsuit. The details are recounted infra FOF ¶¶1 98-116. (h) pictures in the fab shop area, in January 1985, including one of a woman wearing black tights, the top pulled down to expose her breasts to view, and one of a nude woman in an outdoor setting apparently playing with a piece of cloth between her legs. 1 T.T. at 55-56. (i) Joint Exh. No. 4, a Whilden Valve & Gauge calendar for 1986, which features Playboy playmate of the month pictures on each page. 1 T.T. at 103-04. The female models in this calendar are fully or partially nude. In every month except April, the model’s breasts are fully exposed. The pubic areas are exposed on the women featured in May, June and December. Several of the pictures are suggestive of sexually submissive behavior. (j) a picture of a nude woman left on the tool box where Robinson returned her tools, in the summer of 1986. 2 T.T. at 35. The photograph depicted the woman’s legs spread apart, knees bent up toward her chest, exposing her breasts and genitals. Id. at 36. Several men were present and laughed at Robinson when she appeared upset by the picture. Id. at 36-37. (k) pictures seen in the shipfitters’ trailer, in 1986, including one of a woman with short blond hair, wearing a dark vest pulled back to expose her breasts. 1 T.T. at 192. Robinson complained to shipfitter leaderman Danny Miracle about the photograph of the blond woman. Miracle removed the photograph, with some reluctance, but it was posted again shortly thereafter. 8 T.T. at 70-71. It was not visible from outside the trailer when it was posted the second time. Id. (i) a sexually-oriented cartoon, D.Exh. No. 1, posted in the safety office, in 1986, at the Mayport Yard. 1 T.T. at 193-96. (m) pictures observed in the fab shop area office, in 1986, including Jt.Exh. No. 6, 1 T.T. at 101, and a picture of a topless brown haired woman. 2 T.T. at 5-7. Joint Exh. No. 6 is a wooden plaque consisting of a picture of a very young-looking woman with one breast fully exposed and the other breast partially exposed. Robinson also remarked that another plaque was present in that shop, without further identifying it. Other testimony indicated that Jt.Exh. No. 7 hung in the fab shop at that time. Jt.Exh. No. 7 shows a nude woman straddling a hammock with her head tossed back and her back arched. Her exposed breasts are fully visible as is some pubic hair. (n) a life-size drawing of a nude woman on a divider in the sheetmetal shop, in April 1987, which remained on the walls for several weeks. 1 T.T. at 169-70. (o) a drawing on a heater control box, approximately one foot square, of a nude woman with fluid coming from her genital area, in 1987, at the Commercial Yard. 1 T.T. at 170-72. (p) Joint Exh. No. 5, a Valve Repair, Inc. calendar for 1987, which features Playboy playmate of the month pictures on each page. 1 T.T. at 172-73. (Defendants have admitted that this calendar was displayed during 1987 in the foreman’s and leaderman’s offices of the pipe shop at the Commercial Yard.) The female models in this calendar are fully or partially nude. In every month the model’s breasts are fully exposed. The pubic areas are exposed on the women featured in March and September. Several of the pictures are suggestive of sexually submissive behavior. (q) a dart board with a drawing of a woman’s breast with her nipple as the bull’s eye, in 1987 or 1988, at the Commercial Yard. 1 T.T. at 175-76. (r) pornographic magazines, including Players, on a table by the gangway of a ship, in 1987 or 1988, where JSI machinists were looking through them and commenting on the pictures, 1 T.T. at 180-82, a Club magazine, held out by coworker Thomas Adams in the bow of a ship, id. at 183-84, several magazines being read by pipefitters, in 1986, aboard a ship at the Mayport Yard, 2 T.T. at 16, and various other instances of welders with magazines throughout the 1980’s, id. at 18. (s) pictures of nude and partially nude women posted in the engine room of the M/V Splay, in 1988, at the Commercial Yard, including a picture of a nude woman in a kneeling position and a calendar featuring photographs of nude women. 1 T.T. at 177-79. Robinson complained to her leader-man, who in turn found a person associated with the ship to remove and cover the pictures. Id. at 179. Later, however, the pictures were again posted and uncovered. Id. at 179-80. (t) a shirt worn by the shop steward, in December 1988, with a drawing of bare female breasts and the words “DALLAS WHOREHOUSE” written on it. 2 T.T. at 204-05. 26. In January 1985, following a complaint by Robinson concerning a calendar in the shipfitters’ trailer, the words “Men Only” were painted on the door to that trailer. Full details of this incident are recounted infra FOF ¶¶ 102-106. 27. Robinson also testified about comments of a sexual nature she recalled hearing at JSI from coworkers. In some instances these comments were made while she also was in the presence of the pictures of nude or partially nude women. Among the remarks Robinson recalled are: “Hey pussycat, come here and give me a whiff,” 1 T.T. at 54-55; “The more you lick it, the harder it gets,” id. at 96 (incorrectly transcribed as “The more you look at it ... ”); “I’d like to get in bed with that,” id. at 175; “I’d like to have some of that,” id.; “Black women taste like sardines,” id. at 129; “It doesn’t hurt women to have sex right after childbirth,” id.; “That one there is mine” (referring to a picture in a magazine), id. at 181; “Watch out for Chet. He’s Chester the Molester” (referring to a cartoon character in a pornographic magazine who molests little girls), 2 T.T. at 17; “You rate about an 8 or a 9 on a scale of 10,” id. at 18. She recalled one occasion on which a welder told her he wished her shirt would blow over her head so he could look, 1 T.T. at 126, another occasion on which a fitter told her he wished her shirt was tighter (because he thought it would be sexier), id. at 127-28, an occasion on which a foreman candidate asked her to “come sit” on his lap, id. at 130, and innumerable occasions on which a coworker or supervisor called her “honey,” “dear,” “baby,” “sugar,” “sugar-booger,” and “momma” instead of calling her by her name, id. at 57, 128, 173-74. Robinson additionally related her exposure to joking comments by male coworkers about a woman pipefitter whose initials are “V.D.” 2 T.T. at 17-18. 28. Robinson encountered particularly severe verbal harassment from a shipfitter, George Nelson (“Nelson”), while assigned to work with him on a number of different nights in 1986 at the Mayport Yard. Nelson regularly expressed his displeasure at working with Robinson, making such remarks as “women are only fit company for something that howls,” and “there’s nothing worse than having to work around women.” 1 T.T. at 196-201. On one occasion, Nelson responded to Robinson’s inquiry regarding a work assignment by stating, “I don’t know, I don’t care where you go. You can go flash the sailors if you want.” Id. at 196-97. On other occasions, Nelson ridiculed Robinson in front of the Navy fire watch personnel. Id. at 197-98. When Robinson confronted Nelson over her perception of his behavior as sexual harassment, Nelson denied he was engaging in harassment because he had not propositioned her for sexual favors. Id. at 200. Nelson subsequently made Robinson’s perception of “harassment” a new subject of ridicule and accused her of “crusading on a rabbit.” 2 T.T. at 5. 29. On one occasion, George Leach told an offensive joke in Robinson’s presence, the subject matter of which concerned “boola-boola,” a reference to sodomous rape. 1 T.T. at 131-35. He admitted telling the joke but maintained that he told it quietly and Robinson had taken steps to avoid hearing the joke. The Court credits Robinson’s testimony and further observes that the work environment is not rendered less hostile by a male coworker’s demand of a female worker that she “take cover” so that the men can exchange dirty jokes. Leach later teased Robinson in a threatening fashion by yelling “boola-boola” at her in the parking lot at JSI. Robinson subsequently learned that some shipfitters had dubbed her “boola-boola” as a nickname arising out of these events. Id. at 133. 30. Robinson testified concerning the presence of abusive language written on the walls in her working areas in 1987 and 1988. Among this graffiti were the phrases “lick me you whore dog bitch,” “eat me,” and “pussy.” This first phrase appeared on the wall over a spot where Robinson had left her jacket. 1 T.T. at 163-65. The second phrase was freshly painted in Robinson’s work area when she observed it. Id. at 165-67. The third phrase appeared during a break after she left her work area to get a drink of water. Id. at 167-68. 31. Donald Furr, Robinson’s leaderman, attested to further evidence of the frequency with which this abusive graffiti occurred. He stated that he had seen words like “pussy” and “cunt” written on the walls in the JSI workplace. 5 T.T. at 165— 67. He added that at one point “it was getting to be an almost every night occasion [Robinson] wanted something scribbled out or a picture tooken [sic] down ” Id. at 171. Sexual Harassment of Other Female Craftworkers 32. The Court heard testimony from two of Robinson’s female coworkers, La-wanna Gail Banks (“Banks”) and Leslie Albert (“Albert”), concerning incidents of sexual harassment to which they were subjected, including incidents that did not occur in Robinson’s presence. The Court heard this evidence for several reasons. First, as with the incidents outside the time frame of a Title VII complaint involving Robinson, incidents involving other female employees place the conduct at issue in context. The pervasiveness of conduct constituting sexual harassment outside Robinson’s presence works to rebut the assertion that the conduct of which Robinson complains is isolated or rare. Second, the issue in this case is the nature of the work environment. This environment is shaped by more than the face-to-face encounters between Robinson and male coworkers and supervisors. The perception that the work environment is hostile can be influenced by the treatment of other persons of a plaintiff’s protected class, even if that treatment is learned second-hand. Last, other incidents of sexual harassment are directly relevant to an employer’s liability for the acts of employees and to the issue of an appropriate remedy for the sexual harassment perpetrated against Robinson. 33. Banks and Albert both confirmed the description of the work environment related by Robinson. Each of these other women endured many incidents of sexually harassing behavior. To the extent that defendants attempted to show that either Banks or Albert engaged in behavior demonstrating a welcomeness of the sexually harassing behavior or a lack of offense at such behavior, the Court does not find these contentions credible. Rather, for reasons expressed in the expert testimony infra, the Court finds the description of these witnesses’ behavior to be consistent with the coping strategies employed by women who are victims of a sexually hostile work environment. 34. Banks testified that she experienced what she considers to be sexual harassment in the form of comments, pictures, public humiliation and touching by male coworkers and supervisors. 3 T.T. at 30-31. The harassing behavior negatively affected her attitude toward work; she had to prepare herself mentally each day for what might happen. Id. at 131-32. Among the incidents to which she credibly testified: (a) being pinched on the breasts by a foreman, id. at 34-35. (b) having her ankles grabbed by a male coworker who pulled her legs apart and stood between them, id. at 36-37. (c) hearing such comments as “it’s a cunt hair off,” id. at 38, “are you on the rag,” id. at 51, and “what do you sleep in?,” id. at 48. Indeed, a welding department supervisor, John Nicholas, testified that he personally had used the first two of these phrases, as well as “put some hair around it.” 7 T.T. at 229, 235. Banks testified Nicholas remarked to her that she would “go to hell for culling pussy,” 3 T.T. at 42, a remark which Nicholas denied, 7 T.T. at 226. Banks testified that Herbert Kennedy, a foreman, told her that “she’s sitting on a goldmine,” 3 T.T. at 49-50, a phrase that Nicholas testified he had heard used in the shipyards, 7 T.T. at 229, although Nicholas did not name any person who used the phrase. (d) receiving verbal abuse from a rigger named Hawkins. On one occasion Hawkins belittled Banks’ concern over a large rat by making a quip that Banks took to be a sexual reference. 3 T.T. at 43-44. The following day Hawkins humiliated Banks by stating, in front of a large group of male coworkers, “if you fell into a barrel of dicks, you’d come up sucking your thumb.” Id. at 42-48. (e) receiving a variety of harassment from a rigger named John Fraser. Fraser sniffed at Banks’ behind while she was walking up a gangway, producing laughter from the group of men observing the incident. 3 T.T. at 53-54. Fraser also placed a large flashlight in his pants in Banks’ presence to create the illusion of a large penis. Id. at 54-55. (Fraser admitted that he had done this with a flashlight, but denied that it was done in Banks’ presence. 8 T.T. at 125.) Fraser once so bothered Banks during a bus ride at work that she swore at him and felt compelled to immediately report his actions, first to her leaderman, then his leaderman. 3 T.T. at 55-57. His leaderman, Eugene Sharpe (“Sharpe”), responded in a fashion that left Banks feeling humiliated. Id. at 57-59. In fact, Banks was summoned before her supervisor the next day and called to task for having sworn at Fraser. Id. at 60-68. (f) suffering the embarrassment of having a shipfitter leaderman, Ernie Edenfield (“Edenfield”), hold a chipping hammer handle, which was whittled to resemble a penis, near her face while he told her to open her mouth. 3 T.T. at 83-86. (Edenfield denied having done this. 7 T.T. at 164-65.) (g) enduring the unwelcome advances of a coworker, a pipefitter named Romeo Bascuguin, who pursued her for dates and talked explicitly about his reputed sexual prowess. 3 T.T. at 72-81, 173-77. Banks complained to Kiedrowski about Bascuguin’s advances and Kiedrowski spoke to him about his behavior. 8 T.T. at 94-95. Banks also testified to two other incidents involving calls to her home by JSI employees, including a supervisor, who expressed sexual interest in her. 3 T.T. at 126-30. 35. Banks observed pictures of nude and partially nude women throughout the workplace at JSI. 3 T.T. at 114-17, 120-22, 124. She did not take as great offense at the pictures as Robinson did, but Banks stated that she steered clear of men who worked where such pictures were displayed because she came to expect more harassment from those men. 3 T.T. at 125, 179-80. 36. Following Robinson’s complaints to management about the pictures of nude or partially nude women, Banks observed an increase in the number of pictures and in the objectionableness of their content. 3 T.T. at 88, 94, 123. On two occasions when Banks was the only woman on the company bus, male coworkers displayed or read from pornographic magazines. Id. at 103-04, 109-11. Banks also testified concerning two occasions in which male coworkers posted pictures with an apparent animus toward Robinson. A coworker, Chris Lay, showed a number of men, and Banks, a picture of a nude woman with a welding shield. He remarked, “Lois would really like this,” and placed it on the wall in the welding trailer aboard the U.S.S. Sarato-ga. Id. at 97-98. Banks removed the picture when the men had left. Id. at 98. Approximately the same time, some male pipefitters placed a picture of a nude woman on Robinson’s toolbox. Banks removed it, but another picture was placed there and subsequently discovered by Robinson. Id. at 100-03. 37. Albert, a machinist at JSI from 1976 to 1986, testified to a description of the work environment consistent with that described by Robinson and Banks. She related sexual comments identical to or similar to those heard by Robinson and Banks, see 4 T.T. at 32-36, 75-77, and noted that the recollection of specific incidents was hampered by the commonplace, daily nature of the comments, id. In one noteworthy incident, a male coworker persistently propositioned Albert, prompting her to complain to her leaderman and assistant foreman. The propositions continued after those individuals spoke to the coworker. When he finally put his hands on Albert, she responded both verbally and physically. Thereafter the coworker was fired, although the circumstances in the record of his discharge do not indicate whether the discharge was for the sexually harassing behavior or for drunkenness and sleeping on the job. See id. at 54-56. 38. Albert also testified to the pervasive presence of pictures of nude and partially nude women throughout the shipyards, and the increase of male employee attention to such pictures following Robinson’s complaints over the presence of the pictures. Among the incidents to which she credibly testified: (a)observing a large poster of a nude woman with profuse hair growing down the centerline of her body posted on a wall in the transportation department. 4 T.T. at 10-13. A male coworker asked Albert if she had similar hair. Id. (b) observing the vendors’ advertising calendars previously described, the “girlie” magazines kept in the outside machine shop trailer desk drawer, and a variety of men's adult magazines, such as Playboy, Penthouse, Cheri, Chic, and foreign titles, kept in trailers and carried by male employees in their back pockets. Id. at 13-20. (c) finding a foreign magazine, left open on a table in the shipfitters’ trailer, containing a picture of two women engaged in a sexual act while a nude man watched. Id. at 21-23. (d) being shown a picture of a nude woman engaged in a pose of masturbation by Sharpe, a leaderman in the rigging department. Id. at 25-26. (e) being shown a picture of a nude man by Steven Leach (“Leach”), a leader-man in the shipfitting department. Id. at 26-28. This incident occurred after Robinson’s complaints concerning pictures in the shipyards. Albert also testified that Leach would engage in teasing behavior directed toward Robinson and other women by closing a book in his hand and declaring, “we can’t let her see that.” Id. at 73-74. (f) observing pictures of scantily-dressed women in garters and brassieres with tassels in Lovett’s office in 1984 or 1985. Id. at 24-25. Admissions by Male Employees and Supervisors 39.Defendants have admitted that pictures of nude or partially nude women have been posted in the shipfitters’ trailer at the Mayport Yard during Robinson’s employment at JSI. See Kiedrowski Depo. at 18-19; Jt.Exh. No. 2 (calendar actually posted in that office); 7 T.T. at 173-74 (Edenfield’s description of “obscene pictures” posted); 8 T.T. at 106-07. Defendants and their agents also have admitted that these kinds of photographs have been displayed in and around the fab shop at the Mayport Yard. Lovett Depo. at 30-31; 7 T.T. at 56. 40. The few witnesses who claimed never to have seen pictures such as those described by Robinson, Banks, and Albert, e.g., 6 T.T. at 227 (Yeomans); 7 T.T. at 205 (Martin), cannot be credited given the weight of the credible and corroborated testimony to the contrary. 41. Based on the foregoing, the Court finds that sexually harassing behavior occurred throughout the JSI working environment with both frequency and intensity over the relevant time period. Robinson did not welcome such behavior. Effect of JSI Work Environment on Women 42. The foregoing evidence was supplemented with the testimony of various experts. Plaintiff called experts in the fields of sexual stereotyping and sexual harassment; defendants presented expert testimony on the relative offensiveness of pornographic materials to men and women. Plaintiffs Expert Witness Testimony 43. Dr. Susan Fiske appeared as an expert witness on plaintiffs behalf to testify on the subject of sexual stereotyping. Dr. Fiske holds a full professorship in the psychology department at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst. Her credentials in the field of stereotyping are impressive. She is a member of the American Psychological Association and the Society for Experimental Social Psychology. Dr. Fiske has performed research for the National Science Foundation and the National Institute of Mental Health. She has published nearly forty articles in the top journals in her field. She generally does not accept offers to appear as an expert witness, having turned down fourteen such offers and having appeared as an expert previously only once, in the case Hopkins v. Price Waterhouse, 618 F.Supp. 1109 (D.D.C.1985), aff'd in relevant part, 825 F.2d 458, 467 (D.C.Cir.1987), rev’d on other grounds, 490 U.S. 228, 109 S.Ct. 1775, 104 L.Ed.2d 268 (1989), on remand, 737 F.Supp. 1202 (D.D.C.1990), aff'd, 920 F.2d 967 (D.C.Cir.1990). Her testimony and expertise were well-regarded in that case. The Court accepted Dr. Fiske, without objection, as an expert in stereotyping. 44. The study of stereotyping is the study of category-based responses in the human thought and perceptual processes. Stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination are the three basic kinds of category-based responses. Stereotyping exists primarily as a thought process, prejudice develops as an emotional or an evaluative process, primarily negative in nature, while discrimination manifests itself as a behavioral response. 4 T.T. at 177-78. Discrimination in this context is defined by the treatment of a person differently and less favorably because of the category to which that person belongs. Id. at 178-79. Either stereotyping or prejudice may form the basis for discrimination. 45. To categorize people along certain lines means their suitability will be evaluated in these terms as well. In the process of perceiving people as divided into groups, a person tends to maximize the differences among groups, exaggerating those differences, and minimize the differences within groups. 4 T.T. at 179-80. In practice, this translates into a perception that women are more similar to other women and more different from men (and vice versa) than they actually may be. Id. This perceptual process produces the in-group/out-group phenomenon: members of the other group or groups are viewed less favorably. Id. at 181. This categorizing process can produce discriminatory results in employment settings if it leads a person in that job setting to judge another person based on some quality unrelated to job performance into which the other person falls. 46. For example, when a superior categorizes a female employee based on her sex, that superior evaluates her in terms of characteristics that comport with stereotypes assigned to women rather than in terms of her job skills and performance. 4 T.T. at 182. Thus, to categorize a female employee along the lines of sex produces an evaluation of her suitability as a “woman” who might be expected to be sexy, affectionate and attractive; this female employee would be evaluated less favorably if she is seen as not conforming to that model without regard for her job performance. Id. at 183; 5 T.T. at 26-27. Interestingly, this example is borne out in testimony by several witnesses called by defendants, who expressed disapproval of Robinson’s demeanor because she did not meet the expectation of “affectionate” female behavior, see, e.g., 5 T.T. at 197 (Leach); 7 T.T. at 18 (Starling); id. at 180 (Meyder); id. at 195 (Bright); 8 T.T. at 151-53 (Lowder), or who expressed disapproval of Banks’ use of “crude” language as inappropriate behavior for a “lady,” see, e.g., 7 T.T. at 159-61 (George Livingston). 47. Dr. Fiske reviewed documentation in this case, including fifteen depositions of male and female JSI employees, defendants’ responses to plaintiff’s requests for admissions, and the EEO-1 reports prepared by JSI. Based on this review, she concluded, “the conditions exist for sex stereotyping at Jacksonville Shipyards and ... many of the effects of sex stereotyping exist_” 4 T.T. at 177. Dr. Fiske described the sex stereotyping at JSI as a situation of “sex role spillover,” where the evaluation of women employees by their coworkers and supervisors takes place in terms of the sexuality of the women and their worth as sex objects rather than their merit as craft workers. Id. at 183. 48. Dr. Fiske identified several preconditions that enhance the presence of stereotyping in a workplace. The four categories of preconditions are: (1) rarity; (2) priming (or category accessibility); (3) work environment structure; and (4) ambience of the work environment. Stereotyping may occur in the absence of these conditions; studies have demonstrated, however, a statistically significant correlation between these preconditions and the prevalence of stereotyping. 5 T.T. at 17, 30-31, 41. All of the preconditions are present in the work environment at JSI. 49. “Rarity” exists when an individual’s group is small in number in relation to its contrasting group, so that each individual member is seen as one of a kind — a solo or near solo. Rarity or “solo” status exists when an individual’s group comprises fifteen to twenty percent or less of the work force in the relevant work environment. 5 T.T. at 13. Women at JSI in general occupy solo status and rarity is extreme for women in the skilled crafts. See supra FOF 1116. 50. Solos capture the attention of the members of the majority group, providing fodder for their rumors and constantly receiving their scrutiny. 4 T.T. at 186. The solo is far more likely to become the victim of stereotyping than a member of the majority group, and the stereotype develops along the dimension that makes the solos rare. Id. at 187; 5 T.T. at 15-17. Solos typically elicit extreme responses from members of the majority group. Thus, mildly substandard work performance or workplace behavior is perceived as much worse when a solo is the worker than when a member of the majority group is responsible. 4 T.T. at 187. According to Dr. Fiske, the studies concerning the perception of solo work performance and behavior demonstrate that the solo status per se, not the behavior, produces the extreme reaction from other people. Id. at 187-88. 51. The second precondition for stereotyping, “priming” or “category accessibility”, is a process in which specific stimuli in the work environment prime certain categories for the application of stereotypical thinking. 4 T.T. at 189. The priming impact created by the availability of photographs of nude and partially nude women, sexual joking, and sexual slurs holds particular application in the JSI workplace. Id. at 189-90. 52. Dr. Fiske testified these stimuli may encourage a significant proportion of the male population in the workforce to view and interact with women coworkers as if those women are sex objects. 4 T.T. at 192-94. She described one study, Mohr & Zanna, Treating Women as Sex Objects: Look to the (Gender Schematic) Male Who Has Viewed Pornography, 16 Pers. & Soc. Psych. Bull. 296 (1990), which in her view confirmed this proposition. This study used randomly assigned male college students as subjects who viewed either a nonviolent, “fairly normal sexual” pornographic film or a film having no pornographic content. Subsequently, a woman interviewed the subjects without knowing which film they watched. Two effects emerged. First, the males who viewed the pornographic film remembered little about the female interviewer other than her physical attributes. The males who viewed the neutral film remembered the contents of the interview. Second, the female interviewer could reliably distinguish between the males who had seen the pornographic films and those who had not because the conduct of the former group during the interviews was different. These two results held for approximately half of the men who viewed the pornographic films, those men who fit the description “sex role schematic.” These men are oriented to their masculinity and their sexuality as an important part of their self-concept. 4 T.T. at 190-92. This proportion — about half of the men fitting the description of sex role schematic— holds for the general population. 4 T.T. at 192. 53. The testimony of witnesses confirms a correlation between the presence of pictures and sexual comments and the level of sexual preoccupation of some of the male workers whose conduct had sexual overtones observable by female workers. 54. The third precondition for an increased frequency of stereotyping is the nature of the power structure or hierarchy in the work environment. This factor examines the group affiliation of the persons in the positions of power and the degree to which particular groups are given a sense of belonging. At JSI, this precondition arises because the people affected by the sexualized working conditions are women and the people deciding what to do about it are men. The in-group/out-group effect diminishes the impact of the women’s concerns. The men who receive the complaints perceive those complaints less favorably and take them less seriously because they come from women. 5 T.T. at 4-5. Specific instances of the handling of complaints of sexual harassment, developed infra, demonstrate the phenomenon of male supervisors trivializing the valid complaints of Robinson and other female workers. 55. Dr. Fiske addressed a hypothetical concerning the effect of a sexualized workplace on a complaint lodged by a female employee. 5 T.T. at 6-8. This hypothetical involved a work environment where women are solos and men control the power structure. A woman complains about a man who exposed himself to her. Dr. Fiske predicted that, where sexualization of the workplace has occurred, the woman lodging the complaint would be the focus of attention, rather than the misconduct of which she complains. The woman would be perceived as the problem; she might be subject to ridicule and become the subject of rumors. The man likely would not be disciplined commensurate with the misconduct. Dr. Fiske’s prediction is borne out in part by Albert’s testimony concerning two male coworkers’ discussion of an incident at JSI in which a male employee had exposed himself to a female employee. See 4 T.T. at 37-39; see also 6 T.T. at 37 (Stewart dismissing gravity of complaint as “one person’s word against another’s”). 56. In a like manner, Dr. Fiske predicted that a female employee who complained about sexual pictures of women would, in the hypothetical environment, find that she is perceived as the problem and dismissed as a complainer. 5 T.T. at 9-11. The content of the speculations and reactions to the complainer, in a sexualized work environment, would focus on her sexuality. Aspersions may be cast on the sexuality of the complaining employee regarding, for example, her sexual preference, background, experiences or traumas. Dr. Fiske found it unsurprising that male employees at JSI entertained such derogatory rumors concerning Robinson. Id. at 11; see also Leach Depo. at 47 (describing rumors about Robinson’s sexuality). 57. The fourth precondition is the ambience of the work environment. According to Dr. Fiske, studies show that the tolerance of nonprofessional conduct promotes the stereotyping of women in terms of their sex object status. For instance, when profanity is evident, women are three times more likely to be treated as sex objects than in a workplace where profanity is not tolerated. 4 T.T. at 195-96. When sexual joking is common in a work environment, stereotyping of women in terms of their sex object status is three to seven times more likely to occur. 5 T.T. at 5. These results obtain for a wide range of employment settings, including settings in which women hold nontraditional jobs. 58. Nonprofessional ambience imposes much harsher effects on women than on men. The general principle, as stated by Dr. Fiske, is “when sex comes into the workplace, women are profoundly affected ... in their job performance and in their ability to do their jobs without being bothered by it.” 4 T.T. at 197. The effects encompass emotional upset, id., reduced job satisfaction, 5 T.T. at 18, the deterrence of women from seeking jobs or promotions, 4 T.T. at 198, and an increase of women quitting jobs, getting transferred, or being fired because of the sexualization of the workplace, id. By contrast, the effect of the sexualization of the workplace is “vanishingly small” for men. Id. at 197-98. 59. Men and women respond to sex issues in the workplace to a degree that exceeds normal differences in other perceptual reactions between them. 4 T.T. at 198. For example, research reveals a near flip-flop of attitudes when both men and women were asked what their response would be to being sexually approached in the workplace. Approximately two-thirds of the men responded that they would be flattered; only fifteen percent would feel insulted. For the women the proportions are reversed. Id. 60. The sexualization of the workplace imposes burdens on women that are not borne by men. 4 T.T. at 199. Women must constantly monitor their behavior to determine whether they are eliciting sexual attention. They must conform their behavior to the existence of the sexual stereotyping either by becoming sexy and responsive to the men who flirt with them or by becoming rigid, standoffish, and distant so as to make it clear that they are not interested in the status of sex object. Id. 61. Two major effects of stereotyping were described by Dr. Fiske. One effect is selective interpretation. The individual who engages in stereotyping of another person because of that person’s membership in a minority group selectively interprets behavior of the other person along the lines of the stereotypes applied to the group. 4 T.T. at 200-01. Thus, an employer may respond to a complaint by a female employee by stereotyping her as “an overly emotional woman,” and thereafter ignore her complaints as exaggerated or insignificant. Id. at 201. (Behavior of this sort is apparent in JSI’s responses to female complaints concerning sexual harassment described infra.) A second effect of stereotyping is denigration of the individual merit of the person who is stereotyped. Id. The presence of stereotyping in the workplace affects the job turnover and job satisfaction of the members of the group subjected to stereotyping. Id. at 199-200; 5 T.T. at 18. 62. Dr. Fiske’s testimony provided a sound, credible theoretical framework from which to conclude that the presence of pictures of nude and partially nude women, sexual comments, sexual joking, and other behaviors previously described creates and contributes to a sexually hostile work environment. Moreover, this framework provides an evidentiary basis for concluding that a sexualized working environment is abusive to a woman because of her sex. Defendants did not provide any basis to question the theory of stereotyping and its relationship to the work environment. It appears to the Court that the primary concern raised by defendants concerning Dr. Fiske’s testimony was the materials upon which she relied for a description of the JSI workplace. The Court is of the opinion that the more credible testimony describing the JSI workplace supports the assumptions upon which Dr. Fiske relied. 63. Ms. K.C. Wagner appea