Full opinion text
LYNCH, Circuit Judge. The Commonwealth of Massachusetts appeals from an injunction restraining enforcement of the Massachusetts Burma Law, which restricts the ability of Massachusetts and its agencies to purchase goods or services from companies that do business with Burma. We affirm the district court’s finding that the law interferes with the foreign affairs power of the federal government and is thus unconstitutional. We also find that the Massachusetts Burma Law violates the Foreign Commerce Clause. We further find that the Massachusetts Burma Law violates the Supremacy Clause because it is preempted by federal sanctions against Burma. We affirm the injunction issued by the district court. There is one matter on which the parties are agreed: human rights conditions in Burma are deplorable, This case requires no inquiry into these conditions. I 1. The Massachusetts Burma Law In 1996, Massachusetts enacted “An Act Regulating State Contracts with Companies Doing Business with or in Burma (Myanmar),” ch. 130, 1996 Mass. Acts 239 (codified at Mass. Gen. Laws ch. 7, §§ 22G-22M, 40F1É (West Supp.1998)) (“Massachusetts Burma Law”). The law restricts the ability of Massachusetts and its agencies and authorities to purchase goods or services from individuals or companies that engage in business with Burma. The law requires the Secretary of Administration and Finance to maintain a “restricted purchase list” of all firms engaged in business with Burma. Mass. Gen. Laws ch. 7, § 22J. As the district court explained, companies may challenge inclusion on the list by submitting an affidavit stating that they do no business with Burma, but final determination as to whether a company is in fact “doing business” as defined by the law is made by the Executive Office’s Operational Services Division. See National Foreign Trade Council v. Baker, 26 F.Supp.2d 287, 289 (D.Mass.1998). Under the law, Massachusetts and its agencies and authorities may not contract with companies on the restricted purchase list except in three situations: when procurement of the bid is essential and there is no other bid or offer, when the Commonwealth is purchasing certain medical supplies, or when there is no “comparable low bid or offer.” Mass. Gen. Laws ch. 7, § 22H. The law defines a “[c]omparable low bid or offer” as an offer equal to or less than ten percent above a low bid from a company on the restricted purchase list. Id. § 22G. In practice, the law means that in most cases a company on the restricted purchase list can sell to Massachusetts only if the company’s bid is for all practical purposes ten percent lower than all bids by companies not on the restricted purchase list. Before a company can bid on a Massachusetts contract, the law requires it to provide a sworn declaration disclosing any business it is doing with Burma. See id. § 22H. The law defines “doing business with Burma” to include: (a) having a principal place of business, place of incorporation or ... corporate headquarters in Burma (Myanmar) or having any operations, leases, franchises, majority-owned subsidiaries, distribution agreements, or any other similar agreements in Burma (Myanmar), or being the majority-owned subsidiary, licensee or franchise of such a person; (b) providing financial services to the government of Burma (Myanmar), including providing direct loans, underwriting government securities, providing any consulting advice or assistance, providing brokerage services, acting as a trustee or escrow agent, or otherwise acting as an agent pursuant to a contractual agreement; (c) promoting the importation or sale of gems, timber, oil, gas or other related products, commerce in which is largely controlled by the government of Burma (Myanmar), from Burma (Myanmar); (d)providing any goods or services to the government of Burma (Myanmar). Id. § 22G. The law allows exceptions for entities “with operations in Burma (Myanmar) for the sole purpose of reporting the news, or solely for the purpose of providing goods or services for the provision of international telecommunications.” Id. § 22H(e). The law also exempts firms whose business in Myanmar “is providing only medical supplies.” Id. § 221. The law does not impose any explicit limits on the ability of private parties to engage in business in Burma, or on the ability of private parties or local governments to purchase products from firms engaged in business in Burma. It does, however, effectively force businesses to choose between doing business in Burma or with Massachusetts. Massachusetts annually purchases more than $2 billion in goods and services. The law does not include an express statement of purpose. In introducing the law to the legislature, the bill’s sponsor, Rep. Byron Rushing, stated that the law established a selective purchase program because “if you’re going to engage in foreign policy, you have to be very specific.” Rep. Rushing also stated that the “identifiable goal” of the law was “free democratic elections in Burma.” In signing the bill, then-Lieutenant Governor Cellucci stated that “[d]ue to a steady flow of foreign investments, including those of some United States companies, [the] brutal military regime [in Burma] has been able to supply itself with weapons and portray itself as the legitimate government of Burma. Today is the day that we call their bluff.” Then-Governor Weld commented that “[o]ne law passed by one state will not end the suffering and oppression of the people of Burma, but it is my hope that other states and the Congress will follow our example, and make a stand for the cause of freedom and democracy around the world.” Massachusetts argued to the district court that the law “expresses the Commonwealth’s own disapproval of the violations of human rights committed by the Burmese government” and “contributes to the growing effort ... to apply indirect economic pressure against the Burma regime for reform.” Massachusetts also argued that the law reflects “the historic concerns of the citizens of Massachusetts” with supporting- the rights “of people around the- world.” Massachusetts does not contend that the law is designed to provide any economic benefit to Massachusetts. At the time the National Foreign Trade Council (“NFTC”) filed its complaint, there were 346'companies on the restricted purchase list. Forty-four of these companies were United States companies. The law has generated protests from a number of this country’s trading partners, including Japan, the European Union, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (“ASEAN”). A number of companies have withdrawn from Burma in recent years; at least three cited the Massachusetts law as among the reasons for their withdrawal. At least nineteen municipal governments have enacted analogous laws restricting purchases from companies that do business in Burma. In addition, local jurisdictions have enacted similar laws relating to China, Cuba, Nigeria, and other nations. 2. Federal Sanctions Against Burma Congress imposed sanctions on Burma three months after Massachusetts passed the Massachusetts Burma Law. See Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 1997, § 570, 110 Stat. 3009-166 to 3009-167 (enacted by the Omnibus Consolidated Appropriations Act, 1997, Pub.L. No. 104-208, § 101(c), 110 Stat. 3009-121 to 3009-172 (1996)) (“Federal Burma Law”). The federal law provides for sanctions to remain in place “[u]ntil such time as the President determines and certifies to Congress that Burma has made measurable and substantial progress in improving human rights practices and implementing democratic government.” Id. § 570(a). The federal legislation is divided into five primary parts. First, the statute bars any “United States assistance to the Government of Burma,” except for humanitarian assistance, assistance for anti-narcotics efforts, or “assistance promoting human rights and democratic values.” Id. § 570(a)(1). This first part of the statute also instructs the Secretary of the Treasury to oppose any “loan or other utilization of funds” by international financial institutions and bars most Burmese. officials from entering the United States unless required by treaty. Id. § 570(a)(2), (3). ' Second, the federal law authorizes the President to impose conditional sanctions. The law states: The President is hereby authorized to prohibit, and shall prohibit United States persons from new investment in Burma, if the President determines and' certifies to Congress that, after the date Of enactment of this Act, the Government of Burma has physically harmed, rearrested for political acts, or exiled Daw Aung San Suu Kyi or has committed large-scale repression of or violence against the Democratic opposition. Id § 570(b). The law defines “new investment” to include a range of activity concerning “the economical development of resources located in - Burma.” Id. § 570(f)(2). However,. “ ‘new investment’ does not include the entry into, performance of, or financing of a contract to sell or purchase goods, services, or technology.” Id. Third, the federal law instructs the President to work with “members of ASE-AN and other countries having major trading and investment interests in Burma” to develop “a comprehensive, multilateral strategy to bring democracy to and improve human rights practices and the quality of life in Burma, including the development of a dialogue between the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) and democratic opposition groups within Burma.” Id. § 570(c). Fourth, the law instructs the President to report to Congress on conditions in Burma and on progress made in furthering a multilateral strategy. See id. § 570(d). Fifth, the law grants the President the power to waive any of the sanctions if “he determines and certifies to Congress that the application of such sanction would be contrary to the national security interests of the United States.” Id. § 570(e). In May 1997, President Clinton issued an Executive Order pursuant to the Federal Burma Law imposing trade sanctions on Burma. See Exec. Order No. 18,047, 62 Fed.Reg. 28,801 (1997); see also 31 C.F.R. Pt. 537 (1998) (regulations implementing sanctions authorized by the President’s Executive Order). The President determined and certified that for purposes of section 570(b) of the [Federal Burma Law], the Government of Burma has committed large-scale repression of the democratic opposition in Burma ... [and] the actions and policies of the Government of Burma constitute an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States. 62 Fed.Reg. at 28,301. The President declared “a national emergency to deal with [the] threat.” Id. The Executive Order prohibited new investment, as defined by the Federal Burma Law, by “United States persons” and prohibited United States persons from approving or facilitating new investment in Burma by foreign persons. Id. Like the Federal Burma Law, the Executive Order explicitly exempts contracts “to sell or purchase goods, services, or technology,” provided such transactions are not to guarantee, support, or make payments related to the development of resources in Burma. Id. 3. District Court Proceedings The NFTC, a nonprofit corporation representing member companies that engage in foreign trade, filed suit on April 30, 1998, seeking declaratory and injunctive relief against two Massachusetts officials. The NFTC contended that the Massachusetts Burma Law unconstitutionally interfered with the federal foreign relations power, violated the Foreign Commerce Clause, and was preempted by the Federal Burma Law. Thirty-four NFTC members are on Massachusetts’s most recent restricted purchase list. Three NFTC members withdrew from Burma after the passage of the Massachusetts law, citing the law as the reason for their decision to cease doing business in Burma. One current NFTC member has had a bid for a procurement contract in Massachusetts increased by ten percent pursuant to the law. The district court found that the Massachusetts Burma Law unconstitutionally infringed on the foreign affairs power of the federal government and thus granted declaratory and injunctive relief. See National Foreign Trade Council, 26 F.Supp.2d at 289; National Foreign Trade Council v. Baker, No. 98-10757 (D.Mass. Nov. 17, 1998) (order granting relief). The court also found that the NFTC had not met its. burden of showing that the Federal Burma Law preempted the Massachusetts Burma Law. The district court did not consider the NFTC’s argument that the Massachusetts law also violates the Foreign Commerce Clause. See id. at 293. 4. Standard of Review The district court ruled on cross-motions for summary judgment, on stipulated facts and' uncontested affidavits. The decision toned entirely on questions of law. This court thus reviews the ■ district court’s determinations de novo. See Philip Morris Inc. v. Harshbarger, 122 F.3d 58, 61-62 (1st Cir.1997). II 1. The Foreign Affairs Power of the Federal Government We begin with a review of the Constitution’s grant of power over foreign affairs to the political branches of the federal government. The Constitution grants Congress the power “[t]o lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States,” U.S. Const, art. I, § 8, cl. 1, “[t]o regulate Commerce with foreign Nations,” id. cl. 3, “[t]o establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization,” id. cl. 4, “[t]o define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations,” id. cl. 10, and “[t]o declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water,” id. cl. 11. In addition, “no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under [the United States], shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.” Id. § 9, cl. 8. Finally, “[t]he Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason.” Id. art. Ill, § 3, cl. 2. The Constitution declares that 'the President shall be Commander in Chief, id. art. II, § 2, cl. 1, and, with the advice and consent of the Senate, grants him the power “to make Treaties” and to “appoint Ambassadors,” id. cl. 2. Additionally, the President “shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers.” Id. § 3. The states are forbidden to “enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation” or to “grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal,” id. art. I, § 10, cl. 1, may not “without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing [their] inspection Laws,” id. cl. 2, and may not, “without the Consent of Congress ... enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay,” id. cl. 3. The Constitution’s foreign affairs provisions have been long understood to stand for the principle that power over foreign affairs is vested exclusively in the federal government. James Madison commented that “[i]f we are to be one nation in any respect, it clearly ought to be in respect to other nations.” The Federalist No. 42, at 302 (James Madison) (B.F. Wright ed., Barnes & Noble Books 1996); see also id. at 303 (noting that the Articles of Confederation, by failing to contain any “provision for the case of offences against the law of nations,” left “it in the power of any indiscreet member to embroil the Confederacy with foreign nations”). Alexander Hamilton, discussing state regulation of foreign commerce, noted that [t]he interfering and unneighborly regulations of some States, contrary to the true spirit of the Union, have, in different instances, given just cause of umbrage and complaint to others, and it is to be feared that examples of this nature, if not restrained by a national control, would be multiplied and extended till they became not less serious sources of animosity and discord than injurious impediments to the intercourse between the different parts of the Confederacy. Id. No. 22, at 192 (Alexander Hamilton); see also id. No. 45, at 328 (James Madison) (stating that “[t]he powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government are few and defined,” and “will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce”). Justice Taney echoed Madison’s and Hamilton’s views in Holmes v. Jennison, 39 U.S. (14 Pet.) 540, 10 L.Ed. 579 (1840), commenting that “[i]t was one of the main objects of the Constitution to make us, so far as regarded our foreign relations, one people, and one nation.” Id., 39 U.S. (14 Pet.) at 575 (opinion of Taney, J.). Indeed, the Supreme Court has long held that “[pjower over external affairs is not shared by the States; it is vested in the national government exclusively.” United States v. Pink, 315 U.S. 203, 233, 62 S.Ct. 552, 86 L.Ed. 796 (1942). In The Chinese Exclusion Case, for example, the Court commented that “[f]or local interests the several States of the Union exist, but for national purposes, embracing our relations with foreign nationals, we are but one people, one nation, one power.” Chae Chan Ping v. United States, 130 U.S. 581, 606, 9 S.Ct. 623, 32 L.Ed. 1068 (1889). In Hines v. Davidowitz, 312 U.S. 52, 61 S.Ct. 399, 85 L.Ed. 581 (1941), the Court stated that “[o]ur system of government is such that the interest of the cities, counties and states, no less than the interest of the people of the whole nation, imperatively requires that federal power in the field affecting foreign relations be left entirely free from local interference.” Id. at 63, 61 S.Ct. 399; see also United States v. Belmont, 301 U.S. 324, 331, 57 S.Ct. 758, 81 L.Ed. 1134 (1937) (“[I]n respect of our foreign relations generally, state lines disappear.”). As the Court explained in United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corp., 299 U.S. 304, 57 S.Ct. 216, 81 L.Ed. 255 (1936), when it comes to foreign affairs, the powers of the federal government are not limited: “[t]he broad statement that the federal government can exercise no powers except those specifically enumerated in the Constitution, and such implied powers as are necessary and proper to carry into effect the enumerated powers, is categorically true only in respect of our internal affairs.” Id. at 315-lb, 57 S.Ct. 216 (emphasis added). Federal dominion over foreign affairs does not mean that there is no role for the states. A limited role is granted by the Constitution, as discussed earlier. See Restatement (Third) of Foreign Relations Law of the United States § 201 reporters’ note 9 (commenting that “[ujnder the United States Constitution, a State of the United States may make compacts or agreements with a foreign power with the consent of Congress (Article I, Section 10, clause 2), but such agreements are limited in scope and subject matter” and that “[a] State may make some agreements with foreign governments without the consent of Congress so long as they do not impinge upon the authority or the foreign relations of the United States”). Indeed, Massachusetts itself maintains twenty-three “sister state” and other bilateral agreements with sub-national foreign governments and trade promotion organizations. As one learned commentator explains, some degree of state involvement in foreign affairs is inevitable: “[i]n the governance of their affairs, states have variously and inevitably impinged on U.S. foreign relations.” L. Henkin, Foreign Affairs and the United States Constitution 162 (2d ed.1996). The central question is whether the state law runs afoul of the federal foreign affairs power as interpreted by the Supreme Court in Zschernig v. Miller, 389 U.S. 429, 88 S.Ct. 664, 19 L.Ed.2d 683 (1968), the case in which the Supreme Court has most directly considered the boundaries of permissible state activity in the foreign affairs context. 2. The Decision in Zschernig In Zschernig, the Supreme Court invalidated an Oregon statute that barred a non-resident alien from taking property by testamentary disposition or succession unless he showed the existence of three conditions: 1) “the existence of a reciprocal right of a United States citizen to take property on the same terms as a citizen or inhabitant of the [alien’s] foreign country”; 2) the right of United States citizens to “receive payment here of funds from estates in the foreign country”; and 3) “the right of the foreign heirs to receive the proceeds of Oregon estates ‘without confiscation.’ ” Id. at 430-31, 88 S.Ct. 664 (quoting Ore.Rev.Stat. § 111.070 (1957)). If these requirements were not fulfilled and there were no other heirs, the Oregon property would escheat to the state. In Zschernig, the sole heirs to the estate of an Oregon resident who had died intestate in 1962 were residents of East Germany, and thus Oregon’s State Land Board had petitioned for the escheat of the proceeds of the estate. See id. at 430, 88 S.Ct. 664. The Court held that the statute was “an intrusion by [Oregon] into the field of foreign affairs which the Constitution entrusts to the President and the Congress.” Id. at 432, 88 S.Ct. 664. The Zschernig Court distinguished the law at issue from a similar California statute previously upheld in Clark v. Allen, 331 U.S. 503, 67 S.Ct. 1431, 91 L.Ed. 1633 (1947). The California statute was upheld against a facial challenge. In contrast, the challenge to the Oregon statute involved “the manner of its application.” Zschernig, 389 U.S. at 433, 88 S.Ct. 664. The Supreme Court stated in Zschernig that “[h]ad [Clark ] appeared in the posture of the present [case], a different result would have obtained.” Id. As the Court explained, the problem with the Oregon law was not that it required courts to inquire into foreign law—for “[s]tate courts, of course, must frequently read, construe, and apply laws of foreign nations,” id., but was rather that probate courts had used the reciprocity requirement to “launch[] inquiries into the type of governments that obtain in particular foreign nations,” id. at 434, 88 S.Ct. 664. The Oregon statute had “led into minute inquiries concerning the actual administration of foreign law, into the credibility of foreign diplomatic statements, and into speculation whether the fact that some received -delivery of funds should not preclude wonderment as to how many may have been denied the right to receive.” Id. at 435, 88 S.Ct. 664 (internal quotation marks omitted). Such evaluations. “affectf ] international relations in a persistent and subtle way,” the Court found, and thus “may well adversely affect the power of the central government to deal with” problems of international relations. Id. at 440-41, 88 S.Ct. 664. The district court found the Massachusetts Burma Law invalid under Zschernig. The court interpreted Zschernig to stand for the proposition that “states and municipalities must yield to the federal government when their actions affect significant issues of foreign policy.” National Foreign Trade Council, 26 F.Supp.2d at 291. The court stated that because the Massachusetts law “has more than an ‘indirect or incidental effect in foreign countries,’ ” and has a “ ‘great potential for disruption or embarrassment,’ ” it unconstitutionally infringes on the federal government’s foreign affairs power. Id. (quoting Zscher-nig, 389 U.S. at 434-35, 88 S.Ct. 664). The district court noted that the law was enacted solely to sanction Burma so as to pressure the Burmese government to change its domestic policies, and that the views of the European Union and ASEAN demonstrated that the law was having a “disrupr tive impact on foreign relations.” Id. The precise boundaries of the Supreme Court’s holding in Zschernig are unclear. Nonetheless, we agree with the district court that the Massachusetts Burma Law is unconstitutional under Zscher-nig. Because the parties' arguments raise issues of first impression, we consider these arguments in detail. Massachusetts’s arguments that the district court erred can be divided into two lines of attack. First, Massachusetts attempts to distinguish the facts in Zscher-nig from the facts of this case, and to argue that the Zschemig Court recognized the need to balance state interests against possible harm resulting from state intrusion in foreign affairs. This balance, says Massachusetts, weighs in favor of the Massachusetts law being found constitutional. Second, Massachusetts in effect argues that Zschemig is weak precedent. In particular, Massachusetts contends that the Supreme Court’s decision in Barclays Bank PLC v. Franchise Tax Board, 512 U.S. 298, 114 S.Ct. 2268, 129 L.Ed.2d 244 (1994), demonstrates that the Supreme Court’s holding in Zschemig is limited. The NFTC, in turn, contends that the Massachusetts Burma Law constitutes far greater interference in foreign affairs than did the law under attack in Zschemig, and argues that Massachusetts is in effect asking this court to overrule Zschemig. First, Massachusetts attempts to distinguish Zschemig by arguing that the Court struck down the Oregon law as applied, and did not question the ability of states to enact laws that indirectly affect foreign affairs. Massachusetts argues that its law does not entail nearly the degree of ongoing scrutiny or criticism of foreign government action by the state that the Oregon law entailed. Massachusetts contends that Zschemig left intact the holding in Clark, although the law there was also designed to influence the behavior of foreign countries. Indeed, Clark expressly stated that the fact that a state law has “incidental or indirect effect in foreign countries” does not make the law invalid. Clark, 331 U.S. at 517, 67 S.Ct. 1431. According to Massachusetts, the district court incorrectly read Zschemig to stand for the proposition that a state law that goes beyond an incidental or indirect effect on foreign affairs is impermissible, and Zschemig instead stands for the proposition that courts must weigh the degree of impact against the particular state interest at issue. Massachusetts further argues that its law is concerned with expressing its moral views regarding conditions in Burma, that its desire to disassociate Massachusetts from Burma’s human rights violations is a valid purpose of the law, and that Massachusetts would have enacted the law regardless of whether it believed that the law would result in change in Burma. Massachusetts’s arguments fail under Zschemig. The Massachusetts Burma Law clearly has more than an “incidental or indirect effect in foreign countries.” We do not read Zschemig as instructing courts to balance the nation’s interests in a unified foreign policy against the particular interests of an individual state. Instead, Zschemig stands for the principle that there is a threshold level of involvement in and impact on foreign affairs which the states may not exceed. As Zschemig stated: The several States, of course, have traditionally regulated the descent and distribution of estates. But those regulations must give way if they impair the effective exercise of the Nation’s foreign policy. Where those laws conflict with a treaty, they must bow to the superior federal policy. Yet, even in absence of a treaty, a State’s policy may disturb foreign relations. Id. at 440-41, 88 S.Ct. 664 (emphasis added) (citations omitted). Zsehemig did not hold, as Massachusetts argues, that a sufficiently strong-state interest could make lawful an otherwise impermissible intrusion into the federal government’s foreign affairs power. Massachusetts makes another preliminary argument which we reject. It attempts to distinguish the instant case from Zsehemig based on the level and frequency of scrutiny that the Massachusetts law entails. This argument is largely beside the point. Further, the argument fails even on its own terms. It is beside the point because the effect of the law is not measured solely by the level or frequency of scrutiny. Every decision by a company to withdraw from or not seek new business in Burma has an ongoing impact every bit as corrosive as scrutiny. Massachusetts correctly notes that its courts are not engaging in ongoing evaluations of the situation in Burma; nor does the law permit or encourage such inquiries. Yet while the statute itself creates no mechanism for the Massachusetts courts or legislature to evaluate conditions in Burma on an ongoing basis, the law quite clearly establishes ongoing scrutiny. The Massachusetts law creates a mechanism for ongoing investigation into whether companies are doing business \vith Burma: every time a firm bids for a Massachusetts procurement contract, Massachusetts inquires into whether that firm does business in Burma. The scrutiny involved here is not of human rights conditions alone. By investigating whether certain companies are doing business with Burma, Massachusetts is evaluating developments abroad in a manner akin to 'the Oregon probate courts in Zsehemig. The conclusion that the Massachusetts law has more than an incidental or indirect effect on foreign relations is dictated by the combination of factors present here: (1) the design and intent of-the law is to affect the affairs of a foreign country; (2) Massachusetts, with its $2 billion in total annual purchasing power by scores of state authorities and agencies, is in a position to effectuate that design and intent and has had an effect; (3) the effects of the law may well be magnified should Massachusetts prove to be a bellwether for other states (and other governments); (4) the law has resulted in serious protests from other countries, ASEAN, and the European Union; and (5) Massachusetts has chosen a course divergent in at least five ways from the federal law, thus raising the prospect of embarrassment for the country. Our discussion of the facts demonstrates the first two of these factors; the fifth factor is discussed in our preemption analysis later in this opinion. We turn to the third and fourth factors. ■ The threat to federal foreign affairs power is magnified when Massachusetts is viewed as part of a broader pattern of state and local intrusion. Under Zscher-nig, the effect of state and local laws should not be considered in isolation; rather, courts must consider the combined effects of similar laws in numerous jurisdictions. In determining whether the Oregon law was likely to have a significant effect on the nation’s foreign affairs, the Supreme Court noted that “[i]t now appears that in this reciprocity area under inheritance statutes, the probate courts of various States have launched inquiries into the type of governments that obtain in particular foreign nations.” Id. at 433-34, 88 S.Ct. 664. Massachusetts is not alone in its views regarding Burma and there is great potential for the proliferation of similar statutes. Many municipalities have passed laws akin to the Massachusetts Burma Law, whether targeting Burma or some other country with disfavored policies, and amici inform us that other states and large cities are waiting in the wings. This country has, we are told, 39,000 governments at levels other than the federal government, some twenty of which have participated in the briefs amici curiae here. We also consider the protests received from this country’s allies and trading partners. A European Union official stated that the Massachusetts Burma Law is “an attack on international law.” An ASEAN official commented that ASEAN is “dismayed by this trend [of sub-national laws targeting Burma], because you cannot negotiate with states and provinces.” We reject Massachusetts’s claim that we should ignore the fact that foreign nations have objected to the Massachusetts Burma Law. In Zschemig, the Supreme Court expressly cited Bulgaria’s objections to the Oregon law as evidence of the fact that the law was affecting foreign relations. See id. at 436-37, 437 n. 7, 88 S.Ct. 664. The Zschemig Court also noted the “great potential for disruption or embarrassment” caused by the Oregon law. Id. at 435, 88 S.Ct. 664. The protests of America’s trading partners are evidence of the great potential for disruption or embarrassment caused by the Massachusetts law. Massachusetts points to two sources to support its claim that, when examining whether a state or local law intrudes on the federal government’s foreign affairs power, United States courts should simply ignore foreign government objections. First, Massachusetts notes that the federal law implementing the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) denies foreign governments and private persons the right to challenge state laws based on the GATT. See Uruguay Round Agreements Act, Pub.L. No. 103-465. § 102, 108 Stat. 4809, 4815-19 (1994) (codified at 19 U.S.C. § 3512 (West Supp.1999)). Massachusetts contends that, given this provision, objections from foreign states to the Massachusetts law should not be considered. This argument is inapposite: this action has not been brought pursuant to the GATT or any World Trade Organization agreement, and the NFTC does not argue that the law should be invalidated because of a conflict with any international trade agreement or treaty. Second, Massachusetts claims that Barclays rejected rebanee on the views of our trading partners. We disagree with Massachusetts’s interpretation of Bar-clays. Setting aside our view, discussed further below, that Barclays does not apply outside the context of Commerce Clause challenges to laws that do not target specific foreign nations or foreign commerce, Barclays does not stand for the proposition that courts should ignore foreign government objections. While the Supreme Court in Barclays found foreign government views to be unpersuasive, it did not ignore such views. See Barclays, 512 U.S. at 324 n. 22, 327-28, 114 S.Ct. 2268. The message' of Barclays is thus consistent with Zschemig: foreign government views, although not dispositive, are one factor to consider in determining whether a law impermissibly interferes with the federal government’s foreign affairs power. The preemption analysis later in this opinion outlines the inconsistencies and conflicts between the Massachusetts Burma Law and the Federal Burma Law. The point for Zschemig purposes is distinct. The Massachusetts law presents a threat of embarrassment to the country’s conduct of foreign relations regarding Burma, and in particular to the strategy that the Congress and the President have chosen to exercise. That significant potential for embarrassment, together with the other factors listed above, drives the conclusion that the Massachusetts Burma Law has more than an “incidental or indirect effect” and so is an impermissible intrusion into the foreign affairs power of the national government. 3. Applications of Zschemig Our approach to this case is largely consistent with that taken by the few other courts that have considered challenges to state and local laws brought under Zscher-nig. These cases have generally fallen into two categories: challenges to the application of laws targeting specific foreign states, most often South Africa, and challenges to state “buy-American” laws. In New York Times Co. v. City of New York Commission on Human Rights, 41 N.Y.2d 345, 393 N.Y.S.2d 312, 361 N.E.2d 963 (1977), the court found that New York could not apply local anti-discrimination laws to prohibit the New York Times from carrying an advertisement for employment opportunities in South Africa. Under Zschemig, the court said that “[e]ven longstanding state regulation of traditional fields of law ... must fall by the wayside if enforcement of State regulations would ‘impair the effective exercise of the Nation’s foreign policy.’ ” Id. at 968 (quoting Zschemig, 389 U.S. at 440, 88 S.Ct. 664). Similarly, in Springfield Rare Coin Galleries, Inc. v. Johnson, 115 Ill.2d 221, 104 Ill.Dec. 743, 503 N.E.2d 300 (1986), the Illinois Supreme Court invalidated a state statute that had excluded South African coins from state tax exemptions applying to coins and currency issued by all other nations. The court found that the “sole motivation [for the law] was disapproval of a nation’s policies” and that the legislation effectively “impose[d], or at least encourage[d], an economic boycott of the South African Krugerrand,” and thus was “outside the realm of permissible state activity.” Id. at 307; see also Tayyari v. New Mexico State Univ., 495 F.Supp. 1365, 1376-80 (D.N.M.1980) (finding that a state university’s decision to bar admission or readmission of Iranian students could affect international relations and thus was impermissible). In contrast, in Board of Trustees of the Employees’ Retirement System of Baltimore v. Mayor and City Council of Baltimore, 317 Md. 72, 562 A.2d 720 (1989), cert. denied, 493 U.S. 1093, 110 S.Ct. 1167, 107 L.Ed.2d 1069 (1990), the Maryland Court of Appeals found that Baltimore ordinances requiring city pension funds to divest their holdings from companies engaged in business in South Africa were not unconstitutional under Zschemig. The court thought Zschemig “circumscribes, but apparently does not eliminate, a state’s ability under certain circumstances to take actions involving substantive judgments about foreign nations.” Id. at 746. Massachusetts relies heavily on the decision in Board of Trustees, attempting to distin- guish between Baltimore’s decisions regarding how to invest the city’s funds and the laws struck down in New York Times Co. and Springfield Rare Coin Galleries, Inc., which were designed to regulate private conduct. The district court correctly distinguished Board of Trustees as involving quite different facts, see National Foreign Trade Council, 26 F.Supp.2d at 291-92, and the NFTC urges this court to do the same. Board of Trustees, whether rightly or wrongly decided, does not alter our decision that the Massachusetts Burma Law, by targeting a foreign country, monitoring investment in that country, and attempting to limit private interactions with that country, goes far beyond the limits of permissible regulation under Zschemig. Courts have also split on whether state buy-American statutes are unconstitutional under Zschemig. In Bethlehem Steel Corp. v. Board of Commissioners, 276 Cal.App.2d 221, 80 Cal.Rptr. 800 (1969), the court invalidated the California Buy American Act as “an unconstitutional encroachment upon the federal government’s exclusive power over foreign affairs,” id. at 802, and noted that the fact that “there are countervailing state policies which are served by the retention of such an Act is ‘wholly irrelevant,’ ” id. at 803 (quoting-Pink, 315 U.S. at 233, 62 S.Ct. 552). In contrast, in Trojan Technologies, Inc. v. Pennsylvania, 916 F.2d 903 (3d Cir.1990), cert. denied, 501 U.S. 1212, 111 S.Ct. 2814, 115 L.Ed.2d 986 (1991), and K.S.B. Technical Sales Corp. v. North Jersey District Water Supply Commission, 75 N.J. 272, 381 A.2d 774 (1977), courts upheld buy-American statutes at least in part because such statutes did not require state governments to evaluate the policies of foreign nations, and because the laws treated all foreign states in the same fashion. See Trojan Technologies, 916 F.2d at 913-914; K.S.B. Technical Sales Corp., 381 A.2d at 782-84. Thus, in Trojan Technologies, the Third Circuit upheld a Pennsylvania buy-American statute because the law “provides no opportunity for state administrative officials or judges to comment on, let alone key their decisions to, the nature of foreign regimes” and because there was no “indication from the record that the statute [had] been selectively applied according to the foreign policy attitudes of Commonwealth courts or the Commonwealth’s Attorney General.” Trojan Technologies, 916 F.2d at 913. As the district court correctly noted, see National Foreign Trade Council, 26 F.Supp.2d at 292, K.S.B. Technical Sales Corp. and Trojan Technologies both involved laws that did not single out or evaluate any particular foreign state, and did not involve state evaluations of political conditions abroad. In contrast, the Massachusetts Burma Law is aimed at a specific foreign state and has more than incidental effects. 4. Subsequent Supreme Court Decisions and Zschemig Massachusetts’s second line of attack against the district court’s ruling is that Supreme Court decisions subsequent to Zschemig, in particular the Barclays decision, demonstrate that Zschemig is so limited as not to invalidate the statute. Massachusetts relies on both the language of Barclays and on the views of some academic commentators to argue that Zscher-nig is or should be treated as a highly limited holding. a. Subsequent Supreme Court References to Zschemig Zschemig remains “[t]he only case in which the Supreme Court has struck down a state statute as violative of the foreign affairs power” of the federal government. International Ass’n of Independent Tanker Owners v. Locke, 148 F.3d 1053, 1069 (9th Cir.1998), petition for cert. filed, 67 U.S.L.W. 3671 (U.S. Apr. 23, 1999) (No. 98-1706). Subsequent Supreme Court decisions have done little to clarify the reach of the Court’s holding in Zschemig. Most often the Court has cited the case for the proposition that the federal government’s powers over foreign affairs are plenary, or for the proposition that cases in United States courts that involve foreign sovereigns raise sensitive issues of foreign affairs. See, e.g., Hillsborough County v. Automated Medical Laboratories, Inc., 471 U.S. 707, 719, 105 S.Ct. 2371, 85 L.Ed.2d 714 (1985); Verlinden B.V. v. Central Bank of Nigeria, 461 U.S. 480, 493, 103 S.Ct. 1962, 76 L.Ed.2d 81 (1988) (“Actions against foreign sovereigns in our courts raise sensitive issues concerning the foreign relations of the United States, and the primacy of federal concerns is evident.”); see also Dennis v. Higgins, 498 U.S. 439, 463, 111 S.Ct. 865, 112 L.Ed.2d 969 (1991) (Kennedy, J., dissenting). In First National City Bank v. Banco Nacional de Cuba, 406 U.S. 759, 92 S.Ct. 1808, 32 L.Ed.2d 466 (1972), involving the application of the act of state doctrine, the plurality distinguished Zschemig by noting that in Zschemig “the Court struck down an Oregon statute that was held to be ‘an intrusion by the State into the field of foreign affairs which the Constitution entrusts to the President and the Congress.’ ” Id. at 765, 92 S.Ct. 1808 (plurality opinion of Rehnquist, J.) (quoting Zschernig, 389 U.S. at 432, 88 S.Ct. 664). No decision by the Court citing Zschemig suggests that it is not binding. b. The Effect of Barclays Massachusetts argues that this court should nonetheless look to Barclays. Bar-clays, however, did not consider the reach of the foreign affairs power and did not cite Zschemig. See Barclays, 512 U.S. at 301-31,114 S.Ct. 2268. In Barclays, the Court upheld California’s corporate tax system against Commerce Clause and due process challenges to its worldwide combined reporting requirement. Petitioner Barclays had argued that the system burdened foreign-based multinationals; Barclays had also argued that the law impeded the federal government’s ability to “speak with one voice when regulating commercial relations with foreign governments.” Id. at 302-03, 114 S.Ct. 2268 (quoting Japan Line, Ltd. v. County of Los Angeles, 441 U.S. 434, 449, 99 S.Ct. 1813, 60 L.Ed.2d 336 (1979)) (internal quotation marks omitted). The Barclays Court reaffirmed that, in addition to the ordinary domestic commerce clause analysis set forth in Complete Auto Transit, Inc. v. Brady, 430 U.S. 274, 279, 97 S.Ct. 1076, 51 L.Ed.2d 326 (1977), state regulation of foreign commerce raises two additional concerns: first, an “enhanced risk of multiple taxation,” Barclays, 512 U.S. at 311, 114 S.Ct. 2268 (quoting Container Corp. of America v. Franchise Tax Bd., 463 U.S. 159, 185, 103 S.Ct. 2933, 77 L.Ed.2d 545 (1983)) (internal quotation marks omitted), and second, the risk of harm to the “Federal Government’s capacity to speak with one voice when regulating commercial relations with foreign governments,” id. (quoting Japan Line, 441 U.S. at 449, 99 S.Ct. 1813) (internal quotation marks omitted). In the absence of a congressional or presidential assertion that the challenged California law violated federal policy, however, the Court could not “conclude that ‘the foreign policy of the United States — whose nuances ... are much more the province of the Executive Branch and Congress than of this Court — is [so] seriously threatened’ by California’s practice as to warrant our intervention.” Barclays, 512 U.S. at 327, 114 S.Ct. 2268 (alteration in original) (citation omitted) (quoting Container Corp., 463 U.S. at 196, 103 S.Ct. 2933). Barclays also reaffirmed that recognition of the importance of the federal government’s ability to speak with one voice on foreign affairs does not mean that Congress must act, or that the states can never act, in a particular area. See id. at 329, 114 S.Ct. 2268. As the Court commented in Wardair Canada Inc. v. Florida Department of Revenue, 477 U.S. 1, 106 S.Ct. 2369, 91 L.Ed.2d 1 (1986), where it similarly found that a state tax law did not impede the ability of the federal government to speak with one voice, [b]y negative implication ... the United States has at least acquiesced in state taxation of fuel used by foreign carriers in international travel.... [T]he Federal Government is entitled in its wisdom to act to permit the States varying degrees of regulatory authority. [W]e never suggested in [Japan Line] or in any other [case] that the Foreign Commerce Clause insists that the Federal Government speak with any particular voice. Id. at 12-13, 106 S.Ct. 2369 (emphasis in original). Massachusetts contends that Bar-clays means that only Congress, not the courts, should ever determine whether a state law interferes with the foreign affairs power of the federal government. This argument echoes academic debate over whether Barclays undercuts Zschernig or not. Scholarly debate about the continuing viability of a Supreme Court opinion does not, of course, excuse the lower federal courts from applying that opinion. We need not delve into the merits of the academic debate over Barclays in order to resolve this case. We do not view Bar-clays as having the impact in the foreign affairs power analysis that Massachusetts contends it has, for at least two reasons. First, Barclays did not involve a state law that targeted any foreign nation or nations, and there was no claim in the case that California was engaging in foreign policy via its tax system; the case involved claims only that the California law violated the Commerce and Due Process clauses. See Barclays, 512 U.S. at 302-03,114 S.Ct. 2268. The Court’s discussion of congressional inaction came only in the context of an examination of the “speak with one voice” prong of the Foreign Commerce Clause analysis, a prong that the court reached only after concluding that the law was not otherwise unconstitutional. See id. at 320-30, 114 S.Ct. 2268. In contrast, the present case involves a law impacting one foreign nation, and a claim that the Massachusetts law violates the foreign affairs power of the federal government. Second, the Supreme Court did not cite to Zschemig in Barclays, thus keeping separate the analyses that apply when examining laws under the Foreign Commerce Clause and under the foreign affairs power. This is particularly so given that the parties in Barclays cited Zschemig to the Court in their briefs and at oral argument. In sum, there is simply no indication, in Barclays or in any other post -Zschemig case, that Zschemig is not good law and is not binding on us. As this court explained in Figueroa v. Rivera, 147 F.3d 77 (1st Cir.1998), the Supreme Court “has admonished the lower federal courts to follow its directly applicable precedent, even if that precedent appears weakened by -.pronouncements in its subsequent decisions, and to leave to the Court ‘the prerogative of overruling its own decisions.’ ” Id. at 81 n. 3 (quoting Agostini v. Felton, 521 U.S. 203, 237, 117 S.Ct. 1997, 138 L.Ed.2d 391 (1997)). 5. Additional Arguments Regarding the Foreign Affairs Power a. There is No Market Participant Exception to the Foreign Affairs Power Massachusetts suggests that, even if its interpretation of Barclays and Zschemig is incorrect, the Massachusetts Burma Law can be upheld by applying a market participant exception. This is a novel argument. Massachusetts contends that the market participant exception to the dormant domestic Commerce Clause should be extended both to the Foreign Commerce Clause — an extension that the Supreme Court has never made — and from there to the foreign affairs power. Even assuming that Massachusetts is acting as a market participant (and not exercising its police or regulatory powers) and that the market participant exception applies to the Foreign Commerce Clause, we find no support for Massachusetts’s contention that the exception should shield its law from challenges brought under the federal foreign affairs power as interpreted in Zschemig. Massachusetts provides little support for its argument, citing no case which has ever accepted it. Massachusetts contends that in The Federalist the Framers were concerned with state regulatory action that infringed on foreign affairs, not state proprietary action. The same rationales that support the market participant exception in dormant domestic Commerce Clause jurisprudence, Massachusetts insists, support extension of the exception to claims under the foreign affairs power. Massachusetts also relies on a 1986 Department of Justice advisory opinion concerning the constitutionality of state and local statutes regarding divestment from South Africa. See 10 Op. Off. Legal Counsel 49 (1986). The opinion argues that “[t]he historical rationale for the general federal power over foreign affairs does not imply the displacement of state proprietary power,” and that “[b]ecause states ... possessed proprietary powers at the time of the Constitution, these powers should not be displaced unless they are prohibited by a specific limitation imposed by the Constitution or federal legislation passed pursuant to a constitutional grant of power to the federal government.” Id. at 63-64. This view directly contradicts the Supreme Court’s repeated statements that the federal government’s foreign affairs power is not limited. Zschemig makes clear that, by necessary implication, the federal government’s foreign affairs power exceeds the power expressly granted in the text of the Constitution, and that state action, even in traditional areas of state concern, must yield to the federal power when such state action has more than an indirect effect on the nation’s own foreign policy. Nothing in Zschemig or in the Supreme Court’s market participant caselaw supports Massachusetts’s argument. The Supreme Court has already rejected one attempt to extend the market participation doctrine to constitutional provisions other than the domestic Commerce Clause. See United Bldg. & Const. Trades Council v. Mayor & Council of Camden, 465 U.S. 208, 219-20, 104 S.Ct. 1020, 79 L.Ed.2d 249 (1984) (stating that the “distinction between market participant and market regulator relied upon in [domestic Commerce Clause caselaw] to dispose of the Commerce Clause challenge is not dis-positive” of a claim brought under the Privileges and Immunities Clause, because “[t]he two Clauses have different aims and set different standards for state conduct”). b. The Tenth Amendment Does Not Insulate the Massachusetts Burma Law from Constitutional Scrutiny Massachusetts also suggests in passing that its law should be protected by the Tenth Amendment, or that the Tenth Amendment, at the least, indicates that strong state interests are at stake here. To the extent that Massachusetts intended to assert a direct Tenth Amendment claim, that claim is waived. It would not suffice in any event. Massachusetts suggests that the Tenth Amendment prevents the courts and Congress from imposing regulatory burdens on the states that are not borne by private persons, and that states cannot be compelled to administer a federal regulatory program. Cf. Printz v. United States, 521 U.S. 898, 933-35, 117 S.Ct. 2365, 2384, 138 L.Ed.2d 914 (1997); New York v. United States, 505 U.S. 144, 178-80, 112 S.Ct. 2408, 120 L.Ed.2d 120 (1992). Massachusetts argues that the effect of the district court decision is to compel Massachusetts to engage in commerce with members of the NFTC.. These- arguments miss their mark: even if Massachusetts were being compelled to deal with firms that do business in Burma, such compulsion is not similar to the federal government compulsion of states found impermissible in New York and Printz. Massachusetts also contends that a state’s purchasing decisions “lie[ ] at the core of state sovereignty” and thus fall within the area protected by the Tenth Amendment, and that the Massachusetts law is an “expression of a moral position on an important issue of public policy.” We do not view these arguments as distinct from Massachusetts’s claim that the law reflects important state interests that, under Zschernig, must be balanced against the federal government’s foreign affairs power. Even where they exist, strong state interests do not make an otherwise unconstitutional law constitutional. c. The Massachusetts Burma Law is Not Shielded by the First Amendment Massachusetts also argues that, regardless of the effect of Zschernig on the Massachusetts Burma Law, the law is protected by the First Amendment. At oral argument, Massachusetts stated that it is not actually contending that the First Amendment protects ■ its law or that the Commonwealth has First Amendment rights. Instead, Massachusetts argues that First Amendment values should weigh in favor of a finding that Massachusetts has significant interests at stake here, interests that should be considered under Zschernig. Although- a few district courts in other circuits have found that local governments do have First Amendment rights, see, e.g., County of Suffolk v. Long Island Lighting Co., 710 F.Supp. 1387, 1390 (E.D.N.Y.1989), aff'd, 907 F.2d 1295 (2d Cir.1990), the First Circuit has expressed doubt, holding that-a legal services office of a state university lacks such rights and saying that “a state entity[] itself has no First Amendment rights,” Student Gov’t Ass’n v. Board of Trustees, 868 F.2d 473, 481 (1st Cir.1989). Nothing in Zschernig suggests that a state government’s First Amendment interests, if any, should weigh into a consideration of whether a state. has impermissibly interfered with the federal government’s foreign affairs power. Ill The foreign affairs power is, of course, not the only aspect of the Constitution at work in;the foreign affairs arena. In addition to- the foreign affairs power, the Commerce Clause grants Congress the power “[t]o regulate - Commerce with foreign Nations, and -among the several States.” U.S. Const, art. I, § 8, cl. 3. “It has long been understood, as well, to provide ‘protection from state legislation inimical to the national commerce [even] where Congress has not acted....’” Barclays, 512 U.S. at 310, 114 S.Ct. 2268 (alterations in original) (quoting Southern Pac. Co. v. Arizona ex rel. Sullivan, 325 U.S. 761, 769, 65 S.Ct. 1515, 89 L.Ed. 1915 (1945)). The NFTC argues that, regardless of whether the Massachusetts Burma Law violates the foreign affairs power, the law violates the dormant Commerce Clause. Massachusetts responds that it is a market participant, and that the market participant exception that the Supreme Court has recognized in its dormant domestic Commerce Clause analysis should be applied to the Foreign Commerce Clause. Even if the exception does not apply, Massachusetts further contends, the law still does not violate the Foreign Commerce Clause. The district court did not reach these arguments. See National Foreign Trade Council, 26 F.Supp.2d at 293. We examine these claims in three stages. First, applying dormant domestic Commerce Clause caselaw, we find that Massachusetts is not a market participant when it acts pursuant to the Massachusetts Burma Law. Second, we examine whether, in any event, the market participant exception should be extended to the Foreign Commerce Clause. Third, we find that the Massachusetts law violates the Foreign Commerce Clause. 1. Massachusetts is Not Acting as a Market Participant Massachusetts says that it is exempt from any Foreign Commerce Clause scrutiny because it is a market participant and not a market regulator. Massachusetts relies on the Supreme Court’s domestic Commerce Clause decisions in White v. Massachusetts Council of Construction Employers, Inc., 460 U.S. 204, 103 S.Ct. 1042, 75 L.Ed.2d 1 (1983), Reeves, Inc. v. Stake, 447 U.S. 429, 100 S.Ct. 2271, 65 L.Ed.2d 244 (1980), and Hughes v. Alexandria Scrap Corp., 426 U.S. 794, 96 S.Ct. 2488, 49 L.Ed.2d 220 (1976). These cases establish that “if a State is acting as a market participant, rather than as a market regulator, the dormant Commerce Clause places no limitation on its activities.” South-Central Timber Dev., Inc. v. Wunnicke, 467 U.S. 82, 93, 104 S.Ct. 2237, 81 L.Ed.2d 71 (1984) (plurality opinion of White, J.); see also White, 460 U.S. at 214-15, 103 S.Ct. 1042; Reeves, 447 U.S. at 436-37, 100 S.Ct. 2271; Alexandna Scrap, 426 U.S. at 810, 96 S.Ct. 2488. We will assume arguendo that there is a market participant exception under the Foreign Commerce Clause and test whether Massachusetts is acting as a market participant or as a market regulator. Evén applying domestic market participant doctrine in this context, we hold that Massachusetts has not acted as a mere market participant. The Supreme Court first recognized the domestic market participant exception in Alexandna Scrap, upholding a Maryland law that imposed extra documentation requirements on out-of-state processors of scrap metal who sought to receive bounties from the state for converting junk cars into scrap. See Alexandria Scrap, 426 U.S. at 800-01, 814, 96 S.Ct. 2488. In Reeves, the Court upheld South Dakota’s decision to sell cement from a state-owned plant only to state residents during a cement shortage. See Reeves, 447 U.S. at 432-34, 446-47, 100 S.Ct. 2271. The cases bearing most directly on the issue here are the Supreme Court’s subsequent decisions in White, South-Central Timber, and Camps New-found/Owatonna, Inc. v. Town of Harrison, 520 U.S. 564, 117 S.Ct. 1590, 137 L.Ed.2d 852 (1997). In White, the Supreme Court upheld against a domestic Commerce Clause challenge a mayoral order that required at least half of the workforce to be Boston residents on projects funded partially or entirely by Boston city funds. The Court commented that there was no evidence that the executive order in question was an “ ‘attempt to force virtually all businesses that benefit in some way from the economic ripple effect’ of the city’s decision to enter into contracts for construction projects ‘to bias their employment practices in favor of the [city’s] residents.’ ” White, 460 U.S. at 211, 103 S.Ct. 1042 (alteration in original) (quoting Hicklin v. Orbeck, 437 U.S. 518, 531, 98 S.Ct. 2482, 57 L.Ed.2d 397 (1978)). In South-Central Timber, the Supreme Court held that the domestic market participant doctrine has limits. The Court held that the state of Alaska, as a seller of timber, could not require that timber from state lands be processed within the state before being exported, and said that the market participant doctrine does not permit a state to impose extensive conditions on firms with whi